UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH

Jjarlington JVleinonal L/iorary

THE LIFE

Benedict Arnold;

HIS

PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON.

ISAAC :N^. 4KNOLD,

AUTHOR OP
" LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN."

" I have done the state some service, and they know it.
Ko more of that.— I pray you, in your letters,
When you shall these unlucky deeds relate,
Speak of me as I am; nothing extenuate,
Nor set down aught in malice."

"He will give the devil his due."

CHICAGO:

JANSEN, McCLURG & COMPANY.

1880.

COPYRIGHT :

Jansen, McClurg & Co.

A. D. 1879.

STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED
BY
THE CHICAGO LEGAL NEWS COMPANY.

C/^<b

/
INTEODUCTION.

Standing, not very long ago, on the battle-field of Saratoga,
near where Benedict Arnold was grievously wounded, as he
led as gallant a charge as was ever made, I realized that if he
had died on that bloody field how brilliant would have been
his record as a soldier and patriot. His name, associated with
those of Montgomery and Warren, would have been canonized
in American history, and his faults and foibles would have been
lost in the blaze of glory which would have encircled it.

Standing there, I was impressed with the injustice which
has been done him; not in condemning his treason, but in
ignoring his virtues, and in refusing to recognize his great
services; and I resolved to tell the story of his life truthfully
and fairly. Yet conscious of the deep and merited and univer-
sal prejudice existing against him, I fear the American people
will listen with some impatience to such a story of his life.
He was not so black as he has been painted. I have no
desire to change the indignation and resentment felt towards
him for his treason. I can neither excuse nor extenuate his
guilt. But I wish to make known his patriotic services, his
sufferings, heroism, and the wrongs which drove him to desper-
ation, and converted one of the most heroic men of a heroic
age to the perpetration of an unpardonable crime. I wish to
introduce one drop of pity into the bitter cup of indignant de-
(3)

4 INTRODUCTION.

iiunciation which has been so constantly poured upon his head.

The time may come — I think there are indications of its
approach — when there will mingle with his condemnation that
"infinite pity," which George William Curtis, standing on
Bemis' Heights, so eloquently expressed in his oration on the
Surrender of Burgoyne — " infinite pity," that a nature so heroic,
and with a record so brilliant, should have been driven, by a
sense of bitter wrong and the violence of his passions, to a crime
so inexcusable.

On the exposure of his treason, it became the passionate
desire of a whole nation to blacken his character. Instantly he
became an outcast and an outlaw. Every pen denounced,
and every tongue cursed him. If this had been confined to his
treason, none would have questioned its justice, but in their just
hatred, the people wished to make him wholly odious. He who
had been the trusted friend of Washington and Warren and
Schuyler, was now declared guilty of every crime, and denied
a single virtue. Even his undeniable bravery, exhibited on so
many battle-fields, was declared to be only " Dutch courage."
He who in Philadelphia and elsewhere had been the courteous
and honored host, at whose table the highest and most intelli-
gent officers of the army and of civil life were glad to meet,
was now declared a " low, vulgar, illiterate horse-jockey and
skipper." These were the natural results of his odious crime.
But Arnold was not the first character in history who has shown
that great crimes are not incompatible with great virtues.

The great duke of Marlborough was, according to Macaulay,
doubly a traitor: false and treacherous to James and the Prince
of Orange in turn — both a spy and a traitor.' And yet, go to

1. " Not till the archives of the Hoiise of Stewart were cxpnserl, was it known
" to the world that Talmash had perished by the basest of the hundred villainies
"of Marlborough."— itfaenM?a2/'s England, V. 7, p. 323.

INTRODUCTION^. 5

the palace of Blenheim, and behold how England forgave his
crimes and rewarded his virtues.

It is difficult to conceive of darker and more execrable
crimes than those of David, the great king of Israel — murder
and perfidy from the vilest motives! And yet the heart that
conceived and executed the treacherous murder of Uriah, indict-
ed the Psalms, and was so tender and affectionate that David
would have gladly died for the unnatural Absalom!

The king repented and God and man forgave him. If we
cannot forgive Arnold, we can and ought to be just to him.

To him " sharper than a serpent's tooth " was the ingrati-
tude of his country, and crazed and maddened by his wrongs,
real and imaginary, when the tempter came, he fell. His pun-
ishment was, and will be, forever terrible; poor Andre's was
comparatively light — "a momentary pang," as he express;?d it,
when he mounted the scaffold. General Arnold's after life
must have been a long agony of remorse, chagrin and disap-
pointment. ■ The ever consciousness of a great crime and a
still greater blunder, must have given him a lifelong heartache;
and to his name, which down to that fatal event had been
among the most brilliant of American soldiers, he brought
the punishment of everlasting infamy.

But before his treason he had been a self-sacrificing, zealous
patriot, shedding his blood like water for his country. I wish
to portray him as such patriot — to tell the story of his life up to
the time of his fall, as it would have been told had he died on
the bloody field of Saratoga.

This part of his life I shall demonstrate, has not been fairly,

"He (Marlborough) had while commanding William's troops, while sitting at
William's council, while waiting in William's bed-chamber, formed the most artful
and dangerous plot for the subversion of William's throne."— Macaxday's England,
T'. 7, p. 324.

6 INTEODUCTIOlf.

truthfully written. I wish the American people, the world, to
know how his services, his heroism, his energy, his ability, were
regarded by Washington, Schuyler, Montgomery, Gates, Green,
and Lamb and Varick and Livingston, his fellow soldiers; and
by Warren, Lee and Chase, and Carroll, of Carrollton, and
Jay, Clinton and others, at the time, before the clouds which his
defection caused had thrown their dark shadows hacJcward as
well as forward, and darkened his whole life. I shall try to
exhibit Benedict Arnold as Washington saw him, as Schuyler
knew him, as Warren understood him, and as Varick and Liv-
ingston appreciated him. When the story of his life as an
American patriot and soldier has been told, then the dark
shadows of his treason and subsequent suffering will follow.

His capacities for good and for evil were very great; ever the
generous and liberal friend, he was a proud, bitter and unyield-
ing enemy. During one period of his life he was the brilliant,
dashing soldier, possessed of a hopeful and sanguine temper-
ament, which no difficulty nor danger could overcome, and his
wonderful successes prove, that with all his reckless daring, he
united great skill, forethought, and readiness of invention.
His life is full of dramatic interest, and while true to his flag,
the career of no soldier of the Revolution is more full of thrill-
ing incidents, heroic deeds, and examples of fortitude and
energy. When driven to desperation, wounded by injustice,
disappointed and chagrined, he became bitter and revengeful,
and seemed willing to sacrifice the cause for which he had so
often bled, so that his enemies should be crushed in the ruins.
The story of this strange life, Arnold as patriot and traitor, I
shall endeavor truthfully to tell, and in such a spirit as to merit,
and I trust, to obtain, the sympathy of all lovers of fair play.

The identity in the name of the author and the subject, and

INTRODUCTION. , 7

possibly the treatment, may suggest a relationship which does
not exist. Had General Arnold died on Lake Champlain, when
desperately fighting with his single vessel the whole British
fleet, that the remainder of his own might escape; or had the
bullet that shattered his leg while leading his trooj^s in the
assault on Quebec pierced his heart, there would have been
found among those who now bear the name, many who
would have proudly claimed a blood relationship. As it is, I
have met very few indeed who admit such kinship. I did, in-
deed, once hear a beautiful and spirited young lady, of very
great taste, culture and talent, audaciously and ironically say
she had the best blood of any family in the republic, for she
was related to Benedict Arnold by one of her parents, and
Aaron Burr by the other!

Two hundred and fifty or three hundred years ago there was
a common ancestor of General Arnold and the author, and un-
der these circumstances I shall be pardoned the egotism of say-
ing that my grandfather, Thomas Arnold, was an humble sol-
dier in the war of the Revolution, and \s'2i% faithful ; and that
such was his admiration of the commander-in-chief, that he
gave to ray father the name of George Washington.

I have endeavored to make an exhaustive investigation of
facts in relation to General Arnold. I have consulted his
manuscript letters in the Force collection in the library of Con-
gress; manuscript letters of Arnold and his wife and sister, in
the Department of State at "Washington; the very large and
valuable Schuyler manuscripts in the possession of the fam-
ily of General Schuyler; and the Gates and Lamb papers, in
the possession of the New York Historical Society.

Also the Shippen papers and Shippen manuscripts, which
contain letters from General Arnold and his wife, from the

8 INTRODUCTION.

time of Arnokrs courtship and marriage to the day of liis
death, in 1801.

Also the correspondence of his children in England, with
Chief- Justice Shippen; letters from his wife and children to
and from his sister, Hannah Arnold, and his sons by his first
wife — Richard and Henry — in Canada. I am especially in-
debted to Edward Shij)pen, of Philadelphia, and to the fam-
ily of a granddaughter of Arnold, in Canada, for very valuable
and new material; also to a grandson of General Arnold — the
Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold, of Great Massingham Rectory,
Norfolk, England, for many valuable letters and manuscript
documents of great historic interest, and many incidents rela-
ting to the life of his grandfather and family in England.

From these papers and persons, from the writings of Wash-
ington, and Force's American Archives, and other sources, I
have drawn the material for the following work. I think I have
been able to contribute something new and valuable, and con-
siderable that is not generally known to this part of American
history.

For General Arnold, the patriot and soldier, I ask a fair
hearing and justice; for Benedict Arnold, the traitor, I have no
plea, but " guilty."

September, 1879.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER T.

HIS EARLY LIFE.

The Ancestors of Benedict Arnold — His own Immediate Family, and
Early life— His Feats of Daring — Education— Marriage — His First
Duel, 15-32

CHAPTER II.

TICOXIJEEOGA AND CEOWN POINT.

The Boston Ma^ssacre— Arnold's Fiery Patriotism— His Letter— Battle of
Lexington — Capt. Arnold Volunteers and Leads his Company to Cam-
bridge—Expedition to Ticonderoga — Captures St. Johns — Warren his
Friend — Injustice to Arnold — Death of his Wife — Touching Letter of
his Sister, Hannah Arnold, 83-48

CHAPTER III.

EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC.

Expedition to Quebec, and March Through the Wilderness — Arnold pro-
poses the Expedition to Washington — Washington Approves, and
Selects for it " Picked Men " of his Army, and Gives the Command
to Arnold — Their Difficulties. Sufferings and Dangers — Enos gets
frightened and Abandons his Comi-ades— Arnold, with Morgan,
Pushes on — Provisions Exhausted — Arnold with Six Men Makes a
Forced March to the Canadian Settlements, Obtains Food, and Saves
the Detachment, 49-72

(9)

10

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.

ASSAULT UPON QUEBEC.
Arnold Holds an Indian Council — His Speech to the Indians — Crosses the
St. Lawrence, Climbs to the Plains of Abraham, and Menaces Que-
bec—Receives thanks of Washington and Schuyler — Montgomery and
Arnold Assault Quebec — Montgomery Killed — Arnold Shot while
Leading the " Forlorn Hope " — Made a Brigadier-General — Blockades
Quebec, 73-S8

CHAPTER V.

RETEEAT FROM CANADA.

The Affair at the Cedars — Visit of Franklin, Chase and Carroll to Arnold's
Quarters— The Seizure of Goods in Montreal — Trial of Colonel Hazen
by Court- Martial — Controversy Between Arnold and the Court —
Charges against Arnold by Lieut. Col. John Brown — Action thereon
by Wooster, Schuyler and Gates — Charges Declared by Congress to
be Cruel and Groundless — Arnold's Retreat fr^m Canada, . 89-104

CHAPTER VI.

NAVAL BATTLE OF VALCOUE ISLAND.

The British, Greatly Superior in Numbers and in Guns, Attack the Amei-
ican Fleet under Arnold, on Lake Champlain — The Fight Continues
from Noon until Night, when the British Retire — The Americans Es-
cape Through the British Line — Are Overtaken, and Arnold, in the
Congress, Fights and Retards the Enemy until his other Vessels Es-
cape— He Runs the Congress Ashore, Burns her, and with his Men,
Reaches Ticonderoga, . . . . * . . . 105-120

CHAPTER VII.

ARNOLD SUPERSEDED HIS FIGHT AT RIDGEFIELD, ETC.

Arnold in Washington's Camp — Sent to Rhode Island — Advances £1,000
to aid Lamb in Raising his Regiment — Offeri Himself to the Beauti-
ful Miss Deblois — Five Junior Brigadiers Promoted over Him —
Withholds his Resignation, at AVashington's request — Desperate
Battle, and Escape at Ridgefield — Congress Vote him a Horse, and
Commission him a Major-General — Declare the Charges of Brown to
be Cruel Aspersions upon his Character — Washington begs Congress
to send him North to aid in Repelling Burgoyne, . . 121-139

CONTENTS. 11

CHAPTER VIII.

CAMPAIGlSr ON THE MOHAWK, AND RELIEF OF FORT STANWIX.

St. Leger Invests Fort Stanwix — Herkimer going to its relief, falls into
an Ambuscade, and at the Battle of Oriskanyis Mortally Wounded —
Arnold Volunteers to go to the relief of Gansevoort — Reaches German
Flats, and although a Council of War resolve that they must wait for
Reinforcements, he determines to "Push forward and hazard a Bat-
tle," rather than see the Garrison fall — He resorts to a Ruse — He
Frightens the Indians, who abandon the Siege, and Fort Stanwix is
relieved, . 140-162

CHAPTER IX.

FIRST BATTLE NEAR SARATOGA.

Battle of 19th of September— Arnold leads the Troops to Victory— Error
of Bancroft — Testimony of Cols. Varick and Livingston, Generals
Schuyler, Burgoyne, and others — Verdict of Irving, Lossing, and
others, 163-190

CHAPTER X.

SECOND BATTLE OF SARATOGA.

Quarrel between Gates and Arnold — Action of October 7th — Heroism of
Arnold— Gates tries in vain to recall him from the Field — Morgan, by
direction of Arnold, orders his Riflemen to Fire at Fraser — Fraser
Shot — Senator Foster's Account of Arnold's Charge, as witnessed by
his Father — Arnold Shot — Saves the Life of the Soldier who Shot him
—Congress votes him Thanks and the Rank hitherto Refused— Wash-
ington Sends him his New, Ante-dated Commission, and Declares he
is Restored "to a Violated Right," .... 191-211

CHAPTER XI.

Washington's friendship — Arnold's generosity.
Arnold's Wound — He is carried to Albany, thence to Connecticut — Recep-
tion at New Haven — Receives Pistols, Epaulettes and Sword-Knots
from Washington — He supplies Money for the Education and Mainten-
ance of the Oi-phans of General Warren — Goes to Valley Forge —
Washington Assigns him to Cominand of Philadelphia, . 212-221

12 CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XII.
Arnold's couetship and makriagb.
Philadelphia during the Revolution — Arnold Assumes Command, and
Succeeds Sir William Howe in Occupying the Penn House—The
Shippen Family — Major John Andre — The "Mischienza" — Peggy
Shippen, the Belle of Philadelphia — Arnold her Suitor — His Courtship
— Settles upon her Mt. Pleasant^Marriage and Domestic Life— Letter
of Hannah Arnold to Mrs. Arnold at West Point, . . 222-236

CHAPTER XIII.
Arnold's controversy with the authorities of Penn-
sylvania.

Arnold's Conduct in Command of Philadelphia — His Controversy with
President Reed and the Authorities of Pennsylvania — The Ac-
tion of Congress — Reports of Committees Exonerating Him— A
Court-Martial Ordered for his Trial, .... 237-249

CHAPTER XIV.
Arnold's trial — Washington's reprimand.
Arnold's Trial Continued — His Defense— Judgment of the Court — Wash-
ington's Reprimand and Eulogy, 250-264

CHAPTER XV.
Arnold's treason.
The Motives which Led to Arnold's Treason — His Wrongs — Inducements
Held Out to Him by British Emissaries — They try to Convince Him
the Contest Hopeless, and that England offers All for Which he Drew
his Sword — Supposed Meeting between Him and Beverly Robinson —
Letter to Arnold Attributed to Robinson by Marbois — Arnold yields
to the Temptations Offered, and Seeks the Command of West Point —
Meets Washington at King's Ferry, who Offers Him the Counnand of
the Left Wing of his Army— Tradition that Arnold said his Defection
was to Prevent more Bloodshed — Meeting of Arnold and Andre — Sup-
posed Conversation lietween Them— Andre's Capture — His Letter to
Washington, 265-293

CONTENTS. 13

CHAPTER XVI.

Arnold's escape — andee's execution".

Arnold Hoars of Andre's Capture — Flies to the Vulture — Washington
Arrives at West Point — Mrs. Arnold's Disti-ess — Ai-nokVs Letter to
Washington, Declaring Her Innocence, and Begging Washington to
Protect Her — Declares His Military Family Innocent — Hannah Ar-
nold's Letter Begging the Pity of all Her Friends, and Praying Them
not to Forsake Her — Andre's Trial as a Spy— Efforts to Save His Life
— Arnold's alleged offer to Surrender Himself in Exchange — Andre's
Execution, 294-315

CHAPTER XVII.

MRS. Arnold's innocence — was andre a spy?
Was Mrs. Arnold Guilty of Complicity with her Husband's Treason?—
Was Andre a Spy, and Executed in Accordance with the Laws of
War? 316-328

CHAPTER XVIII.

ARNOLD VAINLY ATTEMPTS TO JUSTIFY HIS TREASON.

Arnold in New York Citj-— His Address to the American People— His
Proclamation to the Officers and Soldiers of the American Army — At-
tempt to Kidnap Him— His Wife Joins Him in New York, . 329-341

CHAPTER XIX.

ARNOLD LEADS BRITISH SOLDIERS AGAINST HIS NATIVE COUNTRY.

Arnold Leads an Expedition Against Virginia and Connecticut— Massa-
cre at Fort Griswold — Arnold's Narrow Escape from Death by the
Hands of a Woman at New London, .... 342-354

CHAPTER XX.

ARNOLD AT THE COURT OF GEORGE THE III.

Arnold's Departure with Lord Cornwallis for England — His Reception
by the King and Cabinet— His Paper on a Reunion Between the Col-
onies and the Crown — General and Mrs. Arnold at Anclre's Monu-
ment in Westminster Abbey, 355-366

14 CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXI.

GENERAL ARNOLD ENGAGES IN BUSINESS.

Arnold Settles in Portman Square, London— He Lives Beyond his

Means — Engages in Trade — Removes to St. John's, New Brunswick

— His Family Correspondence— Mrs. Arnold Visits her Family at

Philaelphia 867-374

CHAPTER XXII.

Arnold's duel with the earl op lauderdale.

Arnold and Talleyrand — Arnold's Duel with the Earl of Lauderdale —
Statement of Lord Hawke — Mrs. Arnold's Letters to her Father and
to Richard Arnold, Giving an Account of the Duel, . 375-384

CHAPTER XXIII.

Arnold's services in the west indies — his death.
General Arnold in 1794 Fits out a Ship for the West Indies — Ship Lost —
At Gaudaloupe — His Danger — Escapes to the Enghsh Fleet — His Ser-
vices to the Government in the "West Indies — Receives the Thanks of
the Planters — The King Grants to Him 13,500 Acres of Canada Lands
for his "Gallantry," &c.— He Begs the Duke of York for Military
Service Against the French— His Death. . . . 385-398

CHAPTER XXIV.

the family of general ARNOLD.

Mrs. Arnold's Executive Ability — She Settles General Arnold's Estate
and Pays his Debts— Educates her Children, and Procures for her
Sons Commissions in the Army — Her Death — The Arnold Family in
Canada—'" Poor Ben's " Death from a Wound Received in Battle —
The Family in England — All the Sons in the Public Service — James
Appointed Military Aid to the King — Attains the Rank of Lieut.
General— A Grandson Killed at Sebastopol, . . , 399-417

APPENDIX, 419

INDEX, 429

LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

CHAPTER I.

HIS EARLY LIFE.

"For I was wayward, bold and wild,
A self willed imp."

— Marmion^.

"A great, a gifted, but a turbid soul

" Struggled and chafed within that stripling's breast.
" Passion which none might conquer or control."

The Ancestors of Benedict Arnold— His own Immediate Family, and Early
Life— His Feats op Daring— Education— Marriage— His First Duel.

TtME, by bringing to light new manuscripts, is constantly
increasing the accuracy and completeness of our knowledge
of the Eevolution. As events recede into the past, this
period of American history is becoming more and more
attractive and picturesque.

The name of Benedict Arnold is doomed to live in that
history forever as the only conspicuous instance of treason:.
" Sadly conspicnous," as "Washington Irving says, " to the
end of time." His punishment has been terrible but just.
In the sense in which Satan has been called the hero of
Paradise Lost, he M-as one of the heroes of the revolutionary
war. One great crime obliterated the memory of years of
hard and patriotic service. A century has gone since his
abortive conspiracy, and there is, I think, a disposition to
be less relentless — I inav sav more just to liis memory.
(15)

IG LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD.

There is a willingness to look Leliind the black shadow of
his treason; to recognize behind the traitor of West Point
the liero of Saratoga. In proportion as history is severe, it
shonld be scrupulously jnst. With the conviction that
General Arnold has not had fair treatment; that his life as
a patriot and soldier should be truthfully told, I ask a
hearing.

William Ai-nold, born in Leamington, England, in
1587, settled in Providence in 1636, was the ancestor of the
Arnolds of Khode Island and Connecticut. He was a con-
temporary of Poger Williams, and associated with him as
one of the fifty-four proprietors in the first settlement of the
first named little commonwealth. His ancestors in Eng-
land, and still earlier in Wales, were highly respectable,
and their lineage has been traced back for several centu-
ries. There is a genealogy of the family of apparent ac-
curacy, going back to the year 1100, and naming Mon-
mouthshire, Wales, as the place where the family originated.
William,' the founder of the family in Phode Island, had
three sons, Benedict, Thomas and Stephen. Benedict, tlie
eldest, removed to Newport about the year 1653."

1. He was the son of Thomas Arnold, of Melcome Hersey, of Cheselbourne,
County of Dorset, England, who was son of Richard Arnold, Lord of the manor of
l-agbere, Parish of Middleton, Co. of Dorset.

cce Arnold Genealogy in N. Y. His. Society.

2. I have received from a grand daughter of General Arnold, residing in Cana-
da, a curious, antique yaper, apparently of ante-revolutionary origin, containing a
genealogy of some of the Arnold family, from 1571 to 1776. Some parts of it seem
10 have been prepared by Governor Benedict Arnold, the successor of Roger Wil-
liams, as President and Governor of the Colony. He says :

"We came from Providence witli our family to dwell in Newport, in Rhode Island,
the 19th of November, Thursday in afternoon, and arrived ye same night, anno Do-
mini 1651. Memorandum : my father and his family sett sayle from Dartmouth, in
old England, the first of May, Friday, and arrived at New England June 24th. anno
Domini 1635. Mem'n : We came to Providence to dwell the 20th of April, 1636.
Memorandum.

" Benedict and Demaris Arnold were married the 17th of December, anno Domini
1640. Our Sonne Benedict was born February 10, 1641— being our first-born, and bear-
est therefore his father's name— about two hours before day.

" Our second sonne we named Caleb. He was born the 19th of December, anno

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 17

He succeeded Eoger Williams as President of the Colo-
ny, nnder the first charter, and was several times elected
Governor under the second charter; serving as Governor
from 1663 to 1666, and from May, 1669, to 1672; also from
1677 to 1678, when he died.*

The son of Governor Benedict Arnold, named Benedict,
was a member of the Assembly in 1695, and the grandson,
also named Benedict, moved to Norwich, Connecticut, in
1730, and was the father of the subject of this memoir.
He was by trade a cooper, carrying on the business quite
largely, and in addition he engaged in general traffic, own-
ing several vessels, and sometimes commanding them, and
making voyages along the coast, and to the West Indies.
As the commander of his own vessels he acquired the title
of captain, by which he was generally designated. He was
respected by his townsmen, and by their selection held vari-
ous town ofiices, such as surveyor, collector, lister (assessor)
and selectman. He married Nov. 8, 1733, Hannah, the
young and ^ beautiful " widow of Absalom King, her maiden
name being Waterman. Her family was respected, and she
herself was distinguished for her piety, good sense and
rigid Puritan character. She was a strict Presbyterian,
of the type of that day and colony, but in her this form of
Christianity was softened and made gentle and sweet by a
most aflfectionate, and kind disposition.^

1646, about 8 o'clock in the evening. We called him Caleb, in memory of that
worthy Caleb, which only accompanied Josiah into ye land of promise of all yt came-
out of Egypt, (fee.

" Our third Sonne was born December 22nd, 1647, about midnight. He was our
third child, and we named him Josiah, in memory of that good Josiah which purged
the house of Israel from idolatry, cfec.

" Our fourth sonne was born ye 21st of October, 1651, and we named him William,
intending he should have the name of his grandfather, but God pleased in his wis-
dom to take him away."

1. Arnold's History of Rhode Island, 5G5.

It is mentioned in the genealogy above quoted, that a daughter " lyeth interred
under a tomb in my land, between my dwelling house and a stone windmill."
This is the old stone wind-mill still standing in Newport.

2. I have received the following memorandum from a descendant of the mother

2

18 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

The children of this marriage were six, three sons and
three daughters.

Benedict (a family name running through several gener-
ations), the eldest, died in infancj', and to the second son,
the subject of this memoir, the same family name was
given. lie was born at ]S[orwich, on the 14tli of January,
1T41."

Of all the six children of Captain Benedict Arnold, this
son and a sister, Hannah, only survived the period of child-
hood.

It has been quite the fashion for our historians and annal-
ists to stigmatize Benedict Arnold as of low birth and
vulgar habits, but in this, as in many other particulars, the
passionate desire to throw discredit upon the traitor, has

of Benedict Arnold, claiming for her, as will be seen, very distinguished ancestry.
I have no means of determining the truth of its statements, but insert it for the curi-
ous in such matters:

Genealogy— Mrs. Waterm.\n—Aenold —Mother of B. Arnold.— Lieut. Thom-
as Tracy, one of the original proprietors of Norwich, Conn., born in England
iu 1611, was a lineal descendant of the 29th generation from Egbert, the first Saxon
king of all England. He had seven children, viz.: John, Jonathan, Thomas,
Miriam, Solomon, David, and Samuel.

John Tracy was an ancestor of Hon. Reuben Hyde Walworth, Chancellor of the
State of New Yort, and also of Mrs. Gideon M. Davidson, the mother of C. M.
Davidson.

Jonathan Tracy, born in 1644, married Mary Griswold and had nine children, the
second of whom was

Hannah Tracj/, who was married in 1695 to Thomas Davison, 1st, the great, great
grandfather of Gideon M. Davison, the father of Clement M. Davison.

Mirriam Tracy, born in 1G48, the only daughter of Lieut. Thomas Tracy, was mar-
ried in 1668, to Thomas Waterman, one of the original proprietors of Norwich, son
of Robert Waterman, of Elizabeth Brown, an ancestress of Mrs. G. M. Davison.
They had eight children, viz. : Thomas, Elizabeth, John, Miriam, Martha, Lydia,
Joseph and Anne.

John Waterman, born in 1672, married in 1701 Elizabeth Lathrop, second daughter
of Samuel Lathrop and Hannah Adgate, of Norwich; they had four children, one
of whom was the mother of Gen. Benedict Arnold, who was the third cousin
of Thos. Davison, 2nd, the great grand father of C. M. Davison. The grand chil-
dren of Gen. Arnold, and the father of C. M. Davison are consequently 5th
cousins, and are of the 33d generation, in a lineal descent from King Egbert.

Windsor. Canada, Sept. 6th, 1862.

1, Genealogy of Arnold family— also manuscript letter of his grandson. Rev.
Edward Gladwiu Arnold. See, also. Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, p. 409.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOIT. 19

rendered them inaccnrcate and unjust. His ancestors iti
England, and his forefathers in Rhode Island, were, as has
been stated, men of character, education and position, and
certainly no family in Rhode Island, up to the time of the
Revolution, had been more honored in official positions, and
it is but simple justice to place them among the most prom-
inent of the founders of that small, but admirable State.
Whether of great or little importance, it is a fact that
there were few colonial families whose lineage, by both father
and mother, was more entirely respectable.

Captain Benedict Arnold died in 1761. The house occu-
j)ied by him, and in wliich the subject of this memoir was
born, stood in the old part of the town of Norwich, and
was not demolished until 1853. There were in and around
it many memorials of young Benedict. After his removal
to 'New Haven, the house and house-lot were sold by him
to one Hugh Ledlie, for seven hundred pounds sterling. In
consequence of the insanity of the wife of Ledlie, and
exaggerated tales growing out of this circumstance, the
house was believed to be haunted, and many wild stories
of supernatural appearances were told of it, and credited by
the superstitious.

In the year 1775, Deacon William Phillips, of Boston,
father of Lieutenant Governor Phillips, moved to !N"orwicli
and occupied the old Arnold mansion until the British left
Boston.*

The famous Malbones, of ISTewport, were the next occu-
pants, and the misfortunes of that family added to its weird
reputation.

ISText, Col. Moore, of ^Norfolk, Virginia, father of Richard
Channing Moore, Bishop of Virginia, occupied it, and died
there in 1784. It was afterwards purchased by Uriah

1. See Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, page 411, manuscript letter of C. C. P.
Waterman.

20 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

Tracy, wlio lived in it for many years nndisturbed. The
strange noises and sights for which it had been so long
noted now ceased. The garden and groves were no longer
infested with strange visitants, and the chambers were now
quiet and peaceful.

The mother of Benedict Arnold has been described by
her contemporaries, and by tradition, as a woman of extra-
ordinary strength of character, and entirely devoted to lier
family. " Benedict Arnold's mother," said one who knew
her well, " was a saint on earth, and is now an angel in
heaven."'

Several letters of hers still extant, prove that all which
was said in her praise was true. She died Aug. 15th, 1T5S.
The inscription on her tomb-stone confirms what has been
said.

" In memory of Hannah, the well-belovetl wife of Captain Benedict
Arnold, and daughter of Mr. John and Mrs. Eb'zabeth Waterman. She
was a pattern of piety, patience and virtue: who died Aug. 15th, 1758.
.Etatis 52." 1

Captain Oliver Arnold, the uncle of Benedict, died in
New Haven, in 1781. He had long been an invalid, and left
very little for the support and maintenance of his family.
After the death of his uncle, Benedict was always liberal
and kind to them ; and even after his exile in England, did
not forget his cousins, and his remittances to them are said
to have been generous. He assisted the eldest son to a lib-
eral education; but the young man, grieved and indignant
at the conduct of his cousin, joined the naval service of the
United States, and attaching himself to the celebrated Paul
Jones, hoped by deeds of desperate daring to efface the dis-
grace which his cousin's treason had attached to the name.
He returned to Kew Haven with his health broken, and soon
died.

1. Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, page 409, and manuscript letter of C. C. P.
Waterman.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 21

Anotlier son, named Oliver, was a bright lad, and as he
grew up developed a talent for making impromptu rhymes;
liappening in at a book store in New Haven one day, he
met there the poet Joel Barlow, and was presented to him.
Barlow had lately published an altered, some thought, an
improved, edition of Watts' Psalms and Hymns. Young
Oliver being pressed by Barlow to give a specimen of his
improvisations, Unally complied by addressing Barlow as
follows :

*' You've proved yourself a sinful cretur,
You've murdered "Watts and spoilt the metre;
YouVe tried the word of God to alter;
And for your pains deserve — a halter." *

He, like his elder brother, was a devoted patriot, con-
demning with the utmost severity the conduct of his cousin
Benedict.

This lad, mischievous, wild and reckless, very early be-
came distinguished for personal courage, a love of adven-
ture, and a passionate love of approbation. The excitement
of danger had for him an irresistible charm; but he had a
quickness, a readiness of invention and skill, which made
the most daring feats to him comparatively safe. The re-
straints of New England puritanic life were very irksome
to him, and he became known among the deacons and select-
men as a young "' dare-devil." He was the fearless leader
of the wildest boys in every bold exploit, and sometimes
reckless and unscrupulous. Anecdotes of his boyhood have
been published, indicating cruelty. It has been said that
he would scatter pieces of broken glass in the paths fre-
quented by his schoolmates, that they might cut their feet
in returning from school; and that one of his amusements
was the robbing of bird's nests, and torturing the young
birds.

1. See manuscript letter of C. C. P. Waterman.

22 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Perhaps the intense indignation created by his treason
has caused these early anecdotes to be exaggerated, and
possibly too great a significance has been attached to them.
Certainly if the mischievous robbing of birds' nests is to be
regarded as conclusive proof of total depravity, and if
among the critics of Arnold, only those who had in thought-
less boyhood been guiltless of this cruelty, should throw
the first stone, there would probably be fewer harsh judges
of his boyish freaks than have appeared. But of his bold,
rash feats of. daring, all who knew him bear witness; and
many anecdotes exhibiting these traits, have come down to
us. For instance, when a lad he was often sent to the
mill with Indian corn, to be ground. "While waiting for
his grist, he would astonish his playmates and alarm the
lookers-on, by clinging to the arms of the great water-
wheel, and holding on as it made its revolutions, he would
be carried high in the air, and then rapidly descending,
pass beneath the water of the stream by which the great
wheel was turned.*

He " was active as lightning, and with a ready wit always
at command." * He early developed the qualities of a nat-
ural leader.

In every kind of sport, especially if it had a dash of
mischief about it, he was a "dauntless captain, and as des-
potic among the boys as an absolute monarch." On a
day of public rejoicing over some success of the British
over the French, he brought a field-piece out upon the
common and placing it on end, the muzzle pointing to the
sky, he emptied into it a powder-horn full of powder, and
then with his own hand dropped into it a blazing fire-brand!
Only his activity saved him ; he started back barely in time
as the blaze followed within an inch of his face. And yet
undaunted, his huzza was the loudest of the crowd.

1. Spark's Life of Arnold, page 6.

2. C. C. P. Waterman.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 23

A story is told of his tigbting, at tlie age of fourteen, a
constable who sought to reclaim from him and liis comrades
some tar barrels, which they had appropriated for a
" Thanksgiving bonfire." '

As is usual with the brave, he was generous, and his sym-
])athies were always witli the weak; he was the champion
of the smaller lads and tliose of his own age, and no bully
was ever permitted, in his presence, to practice any injus-
tice upon the younger boys. He was kind to his friends,
but would never submit to force.

He received the advantages of what wonld l)e regarded now
as a fair common school and academic education, including
some knowledge of Latin and mathematics. His father at
one time was a man of considerable means, as we have
seen, and Benedict was sent abroad to school. A letter from
his mother has been published, dated Aug. 12th, 1753, ad-
dressed to him at Canterbury, some twelve miles from !Hor-
M'icli, in which this good Puritan lady says: " Pray, my
dear son, whatever you neglect, don't neglect your precious
soul, which once lost can never be regained." "^

She begs him, for her, to " give service to Mr. Cogswell
and lady." He was then twelve years old.

Another very interesting letter of hers is as follows:

"Norwich, April 12th, 1754.
Dear Childe: — I received yours of the 1st instant, and was glad to
hear that you were well. Pray, my dear, let your first concern be to
make your peace with God, as it is of all concerns of the greatest impor-
tance. Keep a steady watch over your thoughts, words and actions. Be
dutyful to superiors, obliging to equals, and affable to inferiors, if any
such there be. Always choose that your companions be your betters,
that by their good examples you may learn.

" From your affectionate mother,

"Hannah Arnold.
" r. S. — T have sent you 50s. Use it prudently, as you are accountable

1. Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, page 412.

2. New Haven Journal, Sept. 8, 1859.

2-1 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

to God and your Father. Your Father and Aunt join with me in love
and service to Mr. Cogswell and Lady, and yourself. Your sister is from
home.^ Your Father puts in twenty more." *

This sum sent to a boy of thirteen, as pocket-money,
woukl indicate that the family were in a condition to give
him whatever advantages of education the country then
afforded. There is also evidence to show that he was sent
to school to a Dr. Jewett, of Montville.'

His letters, his writings, his speeches, particularly his de-
fense on his trial before the Court-martial, near Philadel-
phia, show him to have been a man of respectable education
for tlie daj'S in which he lived.

I have seen in the hands of a connection, a copy of a latin
school book, " Cornelius Nepos," (published in 1748,) and in
his own hand-writing, " Benedict Arnold, Ejus Liber."

Those writers who have spoken of him as illiterate and
vulgar, have been neither accurate nor just. Although not
a man of what to-day is called a "liberal education," his
would compare favorably with that of many officers of rank
in the army of the Revolution.

In 1755, the war between France and Great Britain,
known in American Annals as the "Old French "War,"
broke out. In the following year Arnold, then less than
fifteen years of age, was carried away with the romantic
idea of being a soldier. His love of adventure and a roman-
tic wish to perform daring exploits, led him to run away
from home to Hartford, from where the Connecticut troops
were to start for Lake George and the Northern frontier,
and enlist as a soldier. His mother sought and obtained
the kind offices of the Eev. Dr. Lord, and through him, her
darling son was restored to her. But the Connecticut boy,
destined to a life of strange adventure on land and sea, grew

1. Lossing's Field-Book of the Revolution, note; Vol. 2, page 605.

2. mil's Life of Arnold, page 12.

3. Hill's Life of Arnold, page 20.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 25

moody and restless, and yearned for the wild life of the
frontier; so excited was his imagination with his dreams
of a soldier's life, that he left his home a second time, and
joined the provincial troops. The incidents of the journey
to Albany and the Lakes by the school-boy volunteer are
not recorded. If this soldier-lad had kept a journal, and
told us what he saw as he passed through the old Dutch
town of Albany, and the incidents of his mai'cJi through the
forests, it would have possessed peculiar interest; but we
only know that the wilderness was then unbroken and wild,
frequented only by the scout and the Indian, and that Lake
George lay beneath its over-hanging Highlands, with none
to admire its beautj^, except when some hunter or soldier,
some Leatherstocking, Uncas, or Heyward, paused a mo-
ment on its shores, to be led from " Nature up to l^ature's
God." Philip Schuyler, then lately married, commanded
a provincial company. George Washington was preparing
himself by severe service under the British flag to lead his
country to Indejjendence.

With what anxiety the fond mother waited the return of
this her only surviving son, may be imagined. The fancied
charm of a soldier's life was soon dispelled by experience;
he soon wearied of military discipline, deserted, and returned
through the wilderness alone to his home. Although an
infant in law, and too young to execute a valid contract of
enlistment into military service, yet some apprehensions
seem to have been felt by his mother and friends that he
might be arrested as a deserter, and he was hidden away
while a recruiting officer was in the town.

He had already become familiar with fire-arms, and with
the pistol and the rifle had few if any superiors as a marks-
njan. To his great skill he was on one occasion, at least, as
will be seen liereafter, indebted for his life.

He was strong, hardy, active, and excelled in all atliletic

26 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

sports and gymnastic exercises. In fencing, boxing, in ska-
ting, in running and leaping, he had no superiors. It is
said that even after he recovered from his wound received
at Quebec, when making the campaign to relieve Fort Stan-
wix, he could readily vault over a loaded ammunition wagon
without touching hand or foot.'

Previous to his adventure as a soldier, he had entered the
employ of Doctors Daniel and Joshua Lathrop, who were
relatives of his ]nother. They kept a large drug store in
Norwich, and were gentlemen of education — both were grad-
uates of Yale College; and Daniel had finished his medical
studies in London. They seem to have been especially kind
towards this boy, and being related to his mother, they
manifested more than usual interest in his fortunes. They
gave him a home in the family of Dr. Lathrop, the head of
the house. They had a large business, importing their own
medicines, and had furnished medical stores to the English
army in the French War.^

Benedict remained with them until he reached the age of
twenty-one, and then removed to 'New Haven, where aided
by his former employers, he established himself as a drug-
gist and bookseller.^ His business rapidly increased. He
engaged in general trade and exchange, and his energy and
enterprise enabled him rapidly to acquire considerable prop-
erty. He embarked in the AYest India trade, and purchased
and shipped to those Islands, horses, mules, beef cattle, and
other provisions. He sometimes sailed liis own ships.
He had quite a large business connection in Quebec,

1. Manuscript letter of Eev. J, S. Leake.

2. Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, pages 326-7.

3. His sign is still preserved in Connecticut Hist'l Society,

" B. Arnold,
Druogist, Bookseller, &c.,
Sibi Totiqne."
" Sibi Totique."— For himself and for all."
Miss Caulkins' His. of Korwich, page 413.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 27

M-hicli lie visited frequently, buying horses in Canada and
shipping them from there to the AVest Indies.

From his extensive trade in horses, some writers have
called him a " horse-jockj." He knew and loved a good
horse, and none knew better how to ride,
" To turn and wind a fiery Pegasus,
And witch the world with noble horsemanship,"
and during the revolution he was noted for always being
particularly well mounted.

This business of bookseller and druggist, and general
trader, he carried on for several years. His residence in
New Haven was near the ship-yard. " It was a handsome
frame building, embosomed in shrubbery." Young, fine-
looking, prosperous and popular, a contemporary says of
him, " he had been a general favorite with the ladies, fond
of their society, and floating in the gayest circles of the
day." '

On the 22nd of February, 1767, he married Margaret,
daughter of Samuel Mansfield, High Sheriff" of the county.
She was a lady of good family, young, interesting and ac-
complished, " and as far as is known, his first love."^

All concur in representing her as attractive in person,
gentle and graceful in manner, amiable and affectionate in
disposition, and of devoted piety. They had three sons,
Benedict, born February 14, 1768, Richard, born August
22, 1769, and Henry, born September 19, 1772."

His only sister, Hannah, never married. A story of her
brother's interference and opposition to the attentions of a
French adventurer has been often told; and it is said a duel
grew out of the affair; but not being able to verify it, I am
inclined to believe the circumstances have been exaggerated,
and that some of the alleged facts are untrue. It is per-

1. Miss Caulkin's History of Norwich, p. 413.

2. Miss Caulkin's History of Norwich, p. 413.

3. Arnold's Genealogy.

28 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

fectlj clear, tliat whatever juay Lave occurred, nothing was
done on the part of the brother which disturbed, to any ex-
tent, the tender devotion and affection which she always
manifested towards him. She adhered to him through evil,
as well as good repute, and was ever his useful friend and
adviser, and the watchful guardian of his interests.

Mr. Sparks, speaking of this sister, says several of her
letters which he had seen justify the tribute to her good
name, "as a w^oman of rare endowments of mind, refine-
ment and delicacy, and other qualities of female excel-
lence," ' " Her ardent and unceasing attachment to her
brother, at the same time that it proves the depth of her
own feelings, may argue the existence of better traits in his
domestic character than would be inferred from his public
conduct. His sister was his devoted friend and adviser, and
a watchful guardian over his family and interests."^ As
evidence of this, in January, 1776, she procured, through
Silas Deane, the settlement of a claim of some $800.19, the
balance found due to her brother "for his expenses and
disbursements in the taking of Crown Point and Ticon-
deroga." '

Mr. Deane says, in a letter to her, " I shall ever consider
the opportunity I have had of serving your gallant brother
among the most happy incidents of my life, and his friend-
ship and confidence as a particular honor." * She, in reply,
Feb. 1st, 1776, " thanks him for his kind services, and de-
sires him to obtain for her liberty to ship a cargo of lumber
to the West Indies; the long absence of her brother in Can-
ada, on the expedition against Quebec, rendered it necessary
for her to attend to his affairs. She expresses her fears of
the loss by her brother of a vessel and cargo at Quebec." *

1. Spark's Life of Arnold, p. 11.

2. Spark's Life of Arnold, p. 11.

3. Collections of Conn. Historical Societj^ Vol. 2, p. 334.

4. Collections of Conn. Historical Society, Vol. 2, p. 355.
6. Collections of Coun. Historical Society, pages 357-8.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 29

Her letters all indicate a gentlewoman of refinement,
dignity, intelligence, and much more than ordinary good
sense and judgment.

Whatev^er may have been the fanlts and misfortunes of Ben-
edict Arnold, he liad the great good fortune to have a mother,
a sister and a wife, each an ornament to her sex; women,
all of tliem of the purest character, and each attached to
liim with a devotion which nothing could change. "With
all his faults, there must have been, as Mr. Sparks suggests,
a bright side to his character.

He was a man of commanding figure; athletic, strong
and active. An old soldier^ who fought with him at Be-
mis' Heights, says (I quote his own quaint language): " He
was dark-skinned, with black hair, and middling height;
there was n't any waste thnber in him; he was our fighting
general, and a bloody fellow he was. He did n't care for
nothing; he'd ride right in. It was 'Come on, boys' —
't wasn't ' Go, boys.' He was as brave a man as ever
lived."

Another soldier, a comrade with him in his expedition to
Quebec,^ says: "Arnold was brave, even to temerity; he
was beloved by his soldiers. He was well formed, very
stoutly built, with a florid complexion." Still another
describes him as having "light eyes, black hair and dark
complexion." '

An anecdote is told of him, occurring at this period of
his life, which sonnds more like the adventures of a rough
knight of Medieval times, or the legends of Greek or Eo-

1. Samuel Downing.

2. Henry's Journal, page 12.

a. Mr. Leake, in the letter already quoted from, says: "My father, some fifteen
years his (Arnold's) junior, and a near neighbor to his residence and business estab-
lishments, has often described him to me, as about his own size, which was some-
thing below the middle height, well formed, muscular, and capable of great endur-
ance. He described him as a finished adept in all athletic exercises, and as the
most accomplished and graceful skater" (himself no mean performer) " that he had
ever seen,"

30 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

man mythology, than the exploit, of a captain of a New
England militia company; but its truth has never been
questioned. Once, while driving beef-cattle on to a vessel,
a refractory steer refused to go aboard; )nad and wild with
rage and fright, the animal broke loose, and dashing through
the crowd of men engaged in loading the vessel, defied
pursuit. Arnold mounted his horse, and riding rapidly,
overtook the animal, seized the enraged brute by the horns
and nose, and held him fast until he was subdued and
secured.

Another anecdote, illustrating the violence of his unre-
strained passions, is told. Previous to 1766 British Eeve-
nue Acts had been enacted which were generally felt to be
most unjust and oppressive by the Colonies, and the cus-
tom-house officers were often regarded as instruments of
oppression. It is said that Arnold was not particularly
scrupulous in paying the duties on imported goods; nor
was his evasion of custom exactions thought by his neigh-
bors in those days, to be a very serious offense. A sailor
who had sailed on one of Arnold's vessels to the "West In-
dies, in revenge for some real or supposed injury, accused
him of smuggling. Arnold gave him what he called "a
little chastisement," but which others called a flogging, and
obtained from him a promise in writing to leave New
Haven and never return. The sailor did not go, and Arnold
finding him still in the place, headed a party who took him
to a public whipping post, where he received forty lashes
and was conducted out of the town. Arnold was tried for
the oflfense, and fined fifty shillings.^

On one of his voyages to the West Indies, the ship of
which Arnold was master, lying in the bay of Honduras,
was nearly ready to sail for home. Some circumstances
induced him to send the ship back in charge of the mate.

1. Arnold's own account of this transaction may be found in HiU's Life of
Arnokl, pagea 22 to 25.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 31

While very busy preparing the papers and arranging for
the departure of the vessel, a card of invitation was brought
to him from a Captain Croskie, commanding a British
merchant ship in the bay, inviting him to attend a social
party that evening. Being very much occupied, he did not
attend, and neglected to send his regret. The next morn-
ing he called on the British officer to pay his respects and
apologize for the neglect. lie was received very rudely,
and called "a d — d Yankee, destitute of good manners or
those of a gentleman."

The young American made no reply, except quietly to
draw off his glove, and handing it to the Englishman,
retired. A hostile meeting was arranged for the next morn-
ing on an island near by, and each was to be accompanied
by a surgeon and his seconds only. Arnold, with his sur-
geon and seconds, was promptly on the ground, and after
waiting some time beyond the hour named, and supposing
Croskie was not coming, was about to leave, when the
English Captain was seen approaching, accompanied by six
or eight swarthy natives. Suspecting treachery, Arnold con-
sulted with his seconds and surgeon, and they agreeing to
stand by him, he resolved that none but the Englishman and
his authorized friends should be permitted to land. "When
Croskie and his party came within hailing distance, Arnold
commanded a halt and demanded why the natives were
brought, in violation of the agreement.

Croskie made some excuse, but Arnold standing on the
beach with his pistol cocked, forbade their approach on
peril of their lives, but permitted his antagonist and his
seconds to come ashore, compelling the boat and natives to
keep off. The ground being then measured, the English-
man as the challenged party, had the first fire. This Ar-
nold received without injury. Arnold then fired, wounding
but not disabling his adversary. The wound having been

32 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

dressed, Arnold called upon liim to resume his position, and
announced that he was ready to receive another shot, add-
ing, " I give you notice, if you miss this time I shall kill
you." The Englishman thereupon apologized for his insults
and extended his hand, which "the Yankee" received, and
they then returned together in the same barge/

1. The above particulars -were furnished me by Thomas Waterman, of the same
family of Waterman to which the mother of Arnold belonged.

CHAPTER II.

TICONDEROGA AND CROWN POINT.

" Our worthy friend, Col. Arnold, not having the so'e honor of reducing Tieondor-
oga and Crown Point, determined upon an expedition to St. Johns, in which he
happily succeeded."

" General Joseph Warren."

The Boston Massacre— Arnold's Fiery Patriotism— His Letter- Battle of
Lexington— Capt. Arnold Volunteers and Leads His Company to Cam-
bridge—Expedition to TICONDEROGA— Captures St. Johns— Warren his
Friend— Injustice to Arnold-Death of his Wife— Touching Letter of his
Sister, Hannah Arnold.

During tlie years of 1765, and on to 1770, Arnold was
actively engaged in a large and increasing business, and ap-
parently contented and happy with his family. His active
and adventurous spirit found employment in visits to Can-
ada and voyages to the West Indies, and an occasional trip
to London.

Meanwhile, the discontent of the colonies with the moth-
er country was constantly increasing. Tlie home govern-
ment was arbitrary, oppressive and arrogant. The colonies
were beginning to realize their power, and the seeds of the
revolution were beginning to germinate.

In March, 1770, a collision occurred in the streets of Bos-
ton, between the people and the British soldiers, in which
several citizens were killed.

The incident known in contemporary American history
as "the Boston massacre," caused an intense feeling of in-
dignation throughout the thirteen colonies.
3 . (33)

34 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Arnold was at tlie time absent on a voyage to the "West In-
dies, bat when news of the event reached him, all the fiery zeal
and impetuosity of his character were roused, and he wrote
home, saying, " I was very much shocked tlie other day on
hearing the accounts of the most wanton, cruel and inhu-
man murders committed in Boston by the soldiers. Good
God! are the Americans all asleep, and tamely 3'ielding up
their liberties, or are they all turned philosophers, that they
do not take immediate vengeance on such miscreants?" '

This was among the first utterances of this then fervid
patriot. He was at that time personally very popular in
Kew.PIaven, and was at about that period elected captain
of the Governor's guards, an independent military com-
pany, composed of the most spirited and active young
men of the city.

"When after near five years of hard and active service —
a service which involved as much personal exposure, hard-
ship and suffering as was incurred by any ofiicer of the war, he
stood at Morristown, in ISTew Jersey, before a court-martial,
as hereinafter detailed, to defend his lionor. He thus speaks
of his condition when the war began :

" Wlien the present necessary war against Great Britain commenced,
I was in easy circumstances, and enjoyed a fair prospect of improving
them. I was happy in domestic connections, and blessed with a rising fam-
ily who claimed my care and attention. The liberties of my country were
in danger. The voice of my country called upon all her faithful sons
to join in her defense. With cheerfulness I obeyed the call; I was one
of the first in the field." ^

He was a merchant of property, doino; a large business.
" He was possessor of an elegant house, storehouses and
wharves and vessels," at JSTew Haven.'

1. Letter of Arnold to B. Douglas, June 9, 1770; printed in Historical Magazine,
April,18")7, p. Uy.

2. Trial of General Arnold, p. 102.

3. See certificate of Jeremiah Jliller, Jr.. before Board of Claims, London, March
5, 1784, who estimates Arnold's property at New Haven at £2,100 currency, all of
which, he says, was confiscated.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 35

Pie and General Wooster, an officer in the then recent
war against France, seem to liave been tlie popular leaders.
Wooster was an elderly gentleman, cantious and conserva-
tive, while Arnold was at the head of the ardent, zealous
young men, who could with difficulty be restrained from
open violence.

The Rev. Samuel Peters, in the appendix to his history
of Connecticut, states that in 1774, while he "was being
persecuted as a tory," by what he calls a mob, he applied to
James Hilhouse for protection, and that Mr. Ililhouse re-
plied, " I want protection myself against the mobs of Col.
Wooster and Dr. Benedict Arnold." * Peters also relates
that after he " had taken refuge in the house of the Rev. Dr.
Hubbard, and armed it as his castle, with twenty muskets,
and powder and balls, that Arnold and bis mob came to the
gate. Peters said: "Arnold, so sure as you sjDlit the gate,
I will blow your brains out." Arnold retired, saying " I am
no coward, but I know Dr. Peters' disposition and temper.
* * "^ I have no wish for death at present."

The battle of Lexington was fought on tlie 19th of April,
1775. The news of this battle sent an electric shock
throughout the Colonies. All New England was in an
ujtroar. 'New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, the Carolinas,
everywhere the people were roused to action, and Mnth one
voice they echoed the cry of Virginia's great orator; Patrick
Henry, "Liberty or death." The reports of the collision,
like the vibrations of an earthquake, shook the whole con-
tinent. From the Merrimac to the Hudson, from the
Mohawk to the Delaware and Potomac, from the Green
Mountains to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Atlantic to the
Alleghanies, the people flew to arms and shouted, "Let us
march to the aid of our brethren in Massachusetts."

The news of this battle, fought on the nineteenth of April,

1. History of Connecticut, by Dr. Samuel Peters, 178] ; re-published, 1S77.

3G LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

readied jSTew Haven at raid-day of the twentieth. Arnold
instantly called his company together in the public square,
and addressing them with all the fervor of patriotic zeal,
declared he was ready to lead them to Boston, and called
for volunteers. A very large majority at once offered to
go, and these being joined by some patriotic students, they
numbered in all about sixty. Tlie next morning, being
ready to start, Arnold called upon the selectmen of 'New
Haven for ammunition. They refused it, Gen. Wooster say-
ing they had better wait for regular orders. This did not
suit the impetuous temper of Arnold, so, marching his
comj)any to the place where the selectmen were in session,
he sent them notice that unless the keys were produced in
five minutes he would order his men to break open the
doors of the magazine. The keys were given to him, the
ammunition was obtained, and he and his men were off for
Cambridge. Gen. "VVooster tried to persuade him to wait
for regular orders. Arnold exclaimed, "IS'one but Al-
mighty God shall prevent my marching." In passing
through Pomfret they were joined by the veteran General
Putnam,* who did not stay even to remove his plough from
the furrow he was breaking.

On his arrival at Cambridge, Arnold took possession of
and made his headquarters at the mansion of Gov. Oliver,
who had fled. He and his company were well drilled, well
uniformed and equipped soldiers, having been the pride of
the city of New Haven. Their fine appearance caused their
selection as a guard of honor to deliver to Governor Gage
the body of a British officer, who had been wounded and
taken prisoner at the Lexington fight, and who had died of
his wounds.

It is a curious fact, which strikingly illustrates the high

oral character of this band of v

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, p. 422.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 37

starting for Boston, Captain Arnold and each of the officers
and privates solemnly set their names to articles of agree-
ment, in which, appealing — '

"To all Christian people believing and relying on that God to whom
our enemies have forced us to apply; and having taken up arms for the
relief of our brethren and for the defense of their and our just rights;"
to prevent disorders, etc., each bound himself by all that is sacred to ob-
serve and keep this mutual covenant.

1st. That they would conduct themselves decently and inoffensively,
both to their countrymen and to each other, and would obey all the rules
and regulations.

'2nd. Drunkenness, gaming, profanity and every vice, should be avoid-
ed and discountenanced.

(3rd. Obedience to their officers was not to be enforced by blows, but
if any person guilty of any ott'ense, after being admonished, should per-
sist, such incorrigible person should be expelled, " as totally unworthy
of serving in so great and glorious a cause." ^

The company marched with flags on which were emblaz-
oned the arms of the colony, and npon each banner and
drum they caused to be inscribed, in letters of gold, " Qui
transtulit sustinet " — the motto of Connecticut — " lie who
brought us hither will support us;" or, "God, who trans-
2)lanted us hither, will support us."

Such was the motto and such the covenant under which
Benedict Arnold, the patriot, began his military career.
]S"o sooner had he reached tlie camp at Cambridge than he
went before the Committee of Public Safetj^ and proposed
an expedition to capture Ticonderoga and Crown Point.'

These forts were the keys to the communications be-
tween Canada and New York. Here and in this neighbor-
lioodj had been the battle-fields of the old French and In-
dian wars. The shores and waters of Lake George and

1. Collections of Connecticut Hist. Society, Vol. II, pp. 215-217. American Ar-
chives, 1775 ; Vol. II, pp. 383, 384.

•2. For the text of this agreement see collections of Connecticut Historical Socie-
ty, Vol. II, p. 215.

3. See letter of Arnold, April 30th, to Mass. Committee, giving detailed statement
of the condition of Ticonderoga, found in Force's American Archives, 4tli Series,
Vol. II, p. 450.

38 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Cbamplain had been the scenes of conflict, adventure and
romance, since the earlj settlement of the country. It was
well known, and to none more clearly than to A]-nold, that
the British ])osts on these lakes were feebly garrisoned and
carelessly guarded, and that they contained, what the colo-
nies then most needed, military stores, arms and ammuni-
tion in large quantities.

The imagination of Arnold was fired with the idea of
capturing these posts, and he was ambitious of the glory
of striking a blow so important for his conntr3\ He had,
when a boy, visited these lakes, and was familiar with the
localities. Dr. Joseph Warren, "the first great martyr,"
as Daniel Webster called him, was then a member of the
committee and entered warmly into the project of Arnold,'
and here was formed a warm personal friendship between
these two men, both of whom seem at that time to have
been acting with "the utmost patriotic ardor." To the
kindness of Warren on this occasion and the personal at-
ta'chment then formed may be attributed the gratitude on
the part of Arnold, wdiicli survived the death of his friend
and was manifested in the generous aid furnished by him
for the education of the orphan children of Warren, and
which will be fully narrated hereafter,

Arnold presented the project so clearly, and such was the
impression made upon the committee by his intelligence,
energy and enthusiasm, that they immediately and eagerly
commissioned him as colonel, and authorized him to raise
four hundred troops for the service. He was instructed to
leave a garrison at Ticonderoga, and return to Cambridge
with the arms and stores that he might capture. The Con-
gress of Massachusetts supplied him with money, powder,

1. See letter of Warren, dated Cambridge, April SOth, 1775, quoted in Frothing-
ham's Life of Warren, page 474. " Benedict Arnold proposed to lead an expedition
to capture Ticonderoga. Warren was appointed on a committee on this subject,
and took great interest in it." —Frolhingham's Life of Warren, p. 474.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 39

lead, flints and horses, and lie set ofi:' on the expedition with
the utmost speed. He was instructed to raise his men in
Western Massachusetts.

Having been commissioned on the 3d of May, and arriv-
ing in Stockbridge on the 6th, he learned with surprise that
an expedition for the same purpose had already started, and
was on the way to the lakes. He himself had no men,
and leaving some ofiicers to raise troops, he hastened for-
ward, and on the 9tli overtook an expedition under com-
mand of Ethan Allen, leading a body of "Green Mountain
boys" towards Lake George.^

Arnold exhibited his commission and claimed the com-
mand; but as he had no soldiers and was a stranger, the
volunteers naturalh^ preferred their own officers, and refused
to recognize him.' A small party from Connecticut, and
anotlier from Berkshire county, under Colonel Easton, had
joined Allen. Arnold has been censured for claiming the
command. His manner of doing so may have been arro-
gant, but he certainly was the only officer who. had then been
commissioned- to capture these posts by any recognized
State authority. Allen's leadership was by the selection
of his troops. Massachusetts, the leading New^-Eng-
land colony, and on whose soil the war had begun, had
given to Arnold a regular commission, full instructions,
and authorized him to raise the necessary troops, and in
claiming the command he was hardly going bej^ond his
authority ; but while it was natural he should claim the
command, it was equally natural that the " Green Moun-
tain Boys " under Allen should refuse it to him. Arnold
was compelled to yield the j)oint and joined the expedition
as a volunteer, insisting, however, upon his rank, but issu-
ing no orders.^ Early on the morning of the 10th of May,

1. See Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I, p. 124.

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 15.

3. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 17.

40 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

the party readied the shore of Lake Geori:^e, and were dis-
appointed ill finding very few boats with which to cross;
but both Arnold and Allen appreciated the fatal conse-
quences of delay: the fort must be surprised, if captured
at all, and so they hastened across the water, with the small
number of men their few boats would carry, and at the
early dawn Allen, with Arnold at his side, and eighty-three
men marched tlirough a sally-port, and captured Ticonde-
roga! They were not disappointed in the arms and mili-
tary stores found in the fortress — one hundred and twenty
iron cannon, fifty swivals, two ten-inch mortars, ten tons
of musket balls, three cart loads of flints, thirty gun car-
riages, shells, ten casks of powder, material for boat build-
ing, two brass cannon, and pork, flour, etc., were the valu-
able spoils taken.

After the surrender, Arnold again insisted on taking
command of the post, affirming that no other person pres-
ent was vested with an authority equal to that conferred on
him by Massachusetts,^ In order to comply with the in-
structions of that colony, to send the captured arms and
ammunition to Cambridge, it seemed necessary that he
should have command. In harmony with this idea. Gen-
eral Warren wrote to the Connecticut authorities, May ITth,
asking them to appoint " Colonel Arnold to take charge of
them (the arms, &c.,) and bring them down in all possible
haste," and this, lie suggests, " may be a means of settling
any dispute which may have arisen between him and some
other officers which we are always desirous to avoid, and
now especially, at a time when our common danger ought
to unite us in the strongest bonds of amity and aftection."^

But the Connecticut committee which had followed the
troops, instead of doing this, by a formal written instru-

1. Sparks' Life of Arnolrl, p. IS.

2. See letter of Warren, in Fiothingham's Life of Warren, p. 490.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 41

ment, appointed Colonel Ethan Allen commander of Ticon-
deroga until further orders from that State, or from the
Continental Congress. Arnold protested, and sent a state-
ment of his proceedings to the authorities of Massachusetts.

Four days after the surrender of Ticonderoga, the first
detachment of about fifty men enlisted under the orders of
Arnold, joined him at that place. They came by way of
Skenesborougli, and brought with them a schooner taken
there from a Major Skene, "a dangerous British agent." '

IS'ow, at last, Arnold had a few troops who recognized him
as their commander. He immediately armed and took com-
mand of this vessel, and with a party of his soldiers, sailed
down the lake to St. Johns, surprised and captured the gar-
rison, capturing a king's sloop and crew; he seized also a
number of batteaux, and putting on board the valuable stores
from the fort, returned to Ticonderoga.

There seems to have been a race between Arnold and
Allen, and this time Arnold beat, for on his return, when
about fifteen miles from St. Johns, he met Allen on his way
to attack the same place.^

Thus these brave spirits, led by Allen and Arnold, by "a
series of daring exploits," had captured the keys to Canada,
securing control of lakes George and Champlain, and ob-
taining a large amount of arms and military stores, so
greatly needed by the colonies. All the sanguine repre-
sentations of Arnold to the Massachusetts committee had
been more than realized, not, it * is true, by his own
efforts alone; others as well as he, had appreciated the
vast importance of this expedition. The idea seems to
have occurred' to him and to several others at about the

1. See Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VII, p. 340.

2. Warren writes, May 25th, I'To :

" Our worthy friend. Col. Arnold, not having had the solehonor of reducing Ticon-
deroga and Crown Point, determined upon an expedition to St. Johns, in which he
happily cucceeded."— iefter oj Warren, in Frotldnghim's Life of Warren, p. 494.

42 LIFE OF EEXEDICT ARNOLD.

same time; indeed, tlie moment hostilities commenced tlie
obvious thing to do was to sm*prise and capture the British
posts on the lakes. Governor Truraball, of Connecticut,
speaking of the disputes on the subject of priority, says:
"It is a matter of diversion with me to see the various
competitors contending so strenuously about a matter in
the execution of which all concerned justly deserve ap-
plause," If it were a matter of importance to settle, who
first suggested the expedition, there is considerable evidence
tending to show that the honor belongs to Arnold.

Col. Samuel H. Parsons, in a letter^ to Joseph Trumball,
April 26, 1775, speaking of what occurred, says: "On my
way to Hartford I fell in with Captain Arnold wlio gave me
an accQunt of the state of Ticonderoga^ and that a great
niomler of brass cannon were thereP Governor Hall,
of Yermont, speaking of this interview, says: " Captain
Benedict Arnold spoke to Samuel H. Parsons, of the Con-
necticut Assembly of the importance and feasibility of its
(Ticonderoga) capture and his desire to attempt it." ^

" Colonel Samuel H. Parsons, returning from Massachu-
setts to Hartford, April 26, 1775, met Benedict Arnold, then
captain of a company of volunteers, on his march to the
Camp at Cambridge, At this interview the surprise of
Ticonderoga was suggested." ^ Parsons' letter before referred,
to clearly shows that it was Arnold who made the sugges-
tion, for he says: " He (Arnold) gave me an account of the
state of Ticonderoga, ahd said that a great number of brass
cannon were there," etc. Whoever first suggested the expe-
dition, it was now accomplished, and the arms were soon
on their way to the Colonial authorities; a portion of the

1. Fee Col. of Conn. Historical Society, Vol. I, p. 182.

2. Hall's History of Vermont, p. 199.

3. bee " Origin of Expedition against Ticonderoga in 1775." A paper read before
the Conn. His. Society, by J. H. Trumball, Jan'y, 18G0. " The proposition came from
Benedict Arnold, &c."

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 43

artillery and other stores reaching the camp of Washington
at Cambridge, supplying the arms and animmiition which
he so greatly needed.

Immediately after the capture, Arnold commenced the
construction of boats for the transportation of the captured
arms.'

These expeditions were none too quick, for soon after
Arnold's capture of St. Johns, a reinforcement of more
than four hundred British and Canadians arrived at that
place, and it was rumored that an expedition would proceed
up the lakes to re-take the forts. Arnold having had some
experience in seamanship, collected the vessels he had taken
and prepared to meet the enemy. The schooner captured
from Major Skene, the King's sloop, and a flotilla of bat-
teaux were armed, and, his force having been increased to
one hundred and fifty men, he made vigorous preparations
to repel any attack which might be made.

On the first of June the Congress of Massachusetts ad-
dressed him a letter, acknowledging the receipt of letters
from him dated the 19tli and 23d of May, and express
"great satisfaction in the acquisitions you have made,"
* * and assure him that they place the greatest confi-
dence in his fidelity, knowledge and good conduct, and they
desire him to dismiss the thought of quitting his important
command at Ticonderoga, Crown Point and Lake Cham-
plain, adding, "You are hereby requested to continue your
command over tlie forces raised by this colony."^

1. See Notes to the History of Fort George, by B. F. DeCosta.

2. See MSS. from Massachusetts Archives, quoted in DeCosta's Notes to History
of Fort George, p. 10. Also, Am. Archives, 1775, p. li;S2, as follows :

" CoLLONY OF Massachusetts Bay,
Watertown, June 1, 1775.
" Sir— This congress have Received yours of 19 & 23d May ult. a copy of which
has been sent to N. Hampshire, and Capt. Brown and Capt. Phelps they highly ap-
prove of and take great satisfaction in the acquisitions you have made at Ticonde-
roga, Crown Point, on The Lake, etc. ; as to the state you are in respecting your Pro-
vision, etc. we have advices from- Connecticut and New York that ample prepara-

44 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

He sent messengers into Canada for the purpose of learning
tlie feelings of tlie Canadians and the designs of the Indians.
He also wrote to the Continental Congress, communicating
all the facts he had thus ascertained, and expressing the con-
viction that it would not be difficult to take possession of all
Canada, and detailing a plan of operations for that purpose,
and offering to lead the expedition and be responsible for
the result.^ Meanwhile his enemies had been writing to
Massachusetts, exaggerating his faults, and, as Sparks says,
" his zeal and energy were passed over unnoticed." The
Legislature or Congress (so-called) of Massachusetts, dele-
gated three of their number to go to Lake Chami3lain and
inquire into the " spirit, capacity and conduct" ^ of Colonel
Arnold, and were authorized, if they thought proper, to order
his immediate return to Massachusetts to render an account
of the money, ammunition and stores he had received, etc.
"If he remained he was to be subordinate to Colonel Hin-
man," an officer that Connecticut had sent forward to take
the command.

They found Arnold at Crown Point, actively employed in
preparing to defend the conquests which had been made, and
maturing plans for future action. When they laid before
him their instructions, he was exceedingly indignant, and
complained of being treated with injustice and disrespect;
" in which," says Mr. Sparks, " he was not entirely in the
wrong." Silas Deane, a member of Congress from Connec-
tions is making with the Greatest Dispatch in those two collonies from whence you
may Depend on being seasonably supplied— they are Sorry to meet with Kepeated
Requests from you that some Gentleman be sent to succeed you in command ; they
assure you that they place the Greatest Confidence in yoiir Fidelity, Knowledge,
Courage and Good Conduct, and they Desire that you at present Dismiss the Thought
of Quiting Your Important Command at Ticonderoga, Crown Point. Lake Chum-
plain, etc., and you are hereby requested to continue your command over the forces
raised by this Colony Posted at thosj several Places, at least until the CoUony of
New York or Connecticut shall take on them the maintaining and commanding
the same agreeable to an order of Continental Congress."— J/5S. in Mass. Archives.

1. See Sparks' Life of Arnold, pp. 21-27.

2. See Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 22.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 45

ticut, writing from Cambridge, Aug. lOtli, 1775, was more
explicit: "Colonel Arnold has been in mj opinion hardly
treated, by this colony, tlirongh some mistake or other. * *
He has deserved much and received little or less than
nothing." *

Arnold wrote a formal letter of resignation and dis-
charged the men he had enlisted, and hastened back to
Cambridge, arriving in July. Barnabas Deane, writing on
the first of June from near Ticonderoga, to his brother, Silas
Deane, then a member of the Continental Congress, says :

"Col. Arnold has been greatly abused and misrepresented by design-
ing persons, some of whom were from Connecticut. Had it not been for
him everything here would have been in the utmost confusion and dis-
order; people would have been plundered of their private property, and
no man's person would have been safe that was not of the Green Moun-
tain party. * * Col. Arnold has been twice fired at by them, and has
had a musket presented at his breast by one of that party, who threat-
ened to fire him through if he refused to comply with their orders; which
he very resolutely refused doing, as inconsistent with his duty and directly
contrary to the opinion of the colonies * * * Qol, Webb and myself
had an arduous task to reconcile matters between the two commanders
at Crown Point, which I hope is settled for the present." '^

As corroborating the foregoing statement, a large num-
ber of inhabitants prepared and presented to Arnold a
memorial, expressing their gratitude for the great services
he had rendered them and the colonies,'

Looking back calmly at these events and the differences
between Arnold and Allen, and Arnold and the Connecticut
committee, we perceive that they originated to a consider-
able extent in the local jealousies of tlie different colonies.
It must be conceded that Arnold had the best legal author-
ity to command, but he was compelled to, and did yield to
Allen's popularity with the " Green Mountain Boys." He
was decided, perhaps unconciliatory, and it may be, arro-

1. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. I, p. 3S5.

2. See Col. of Conn. His. Society, Vol. II, p. 1247.

3. Am. Archives, p. 1775.

46 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

gant in asserting his authority ; possibly there may have
been faults also of manner on the part of Allen. He was
a rough diamond, and not famed for courtesy or subordina-
tion. After Allen's unfortunate dash at Montreal, in which
he and his men were captured. General Schuyler wrote: "I
always dreaded his impatience of subordination."

Washington, also, speaking of Allen, says : "His mis-
fortunes will, I hope, teach a lesson of prudence and subor-
dination to others who may be ambitious to outshine their
general officers, and, regardless of order and duty, rush into
enterprises which have unfavorable effects on the public." '
Whatever may have been the faults of Arnold, none sur-
passed him at that time in zeal, activity and daring. He
went into Ticonderoga by the side of Allen ; he surprised
and captured St. Johns and the king's ship and batteaux.
The appearance at Crown Point of the Massachusetts com-
mittee, in the midst of his zealous labors and triumphs, to
inquire into "his spirit, capacity and conduct," and with
power to order his immediate return, to a sensitive soldier
was as great an indignity as one can easily conceive. This
w^as the first of a series of acts of injustice which resulted in
his inexcusable crime. Had Washington possessed the
power of appointing' and promoting the officers of his
army, from the beginning to the conclusion of the war,
Arnold's treason would never have been committed.
On the contrary, as a fighting general, for active service,
he would have been the right arm of Washington. As
it was, his honor as a soldier was severely wounded.
When every British post on the New York lakes had been
captured, none without his zealous co-operation, others by
his own skill, daring and good conduct; in the midst of his
success, while zealously planning the capture of Canada, he
was superseded and compelled to return under a cloud to

1. See Irvins's Life of Washington, Vol. II, pp. 396-7,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 47

Cambridge, but fortunately be soon afterwards met Wasb-
ino-ton and secured bis confidence and friendsbip; and from
that time on, until bis fatal fall, tbe Commander-in-cbief
was bis steadfast friend.

On tbe 19tb of June, and before Colonel Arnold's return
from bis campaign, bis wife died, aged tbirty years. Tbus
to tbe sense of bitter injustice was added tbis crusbing do-
mestic affliction.

" In the northeast corner of the new cemetery of New Haven is a dark
stone, neatly carved, with an ornamental border, ' Sacred to the mem-
ory of Margaret Arnold, the first wife of Benedict Arnold.' " ^

His sister Hannah took the place of bis wife, and well
discharged tbe duties of mother to bis children. Three
sons, aged seven, six and three, constituted her charge.

With a touching and devoted affection, honorable alike
to herself and to her brother, she writes to him of these
children; of " Ben," tbe eldest, "already eager," as she
says, " to hear everything relating to bis papa." ^

Congratulating him on bis '' success in reducing Tycon-
deroga," and making himself "master of the vessels on the
lakes;" and as "tbe cause is undoubtedly a just one," she
hopes he may have health, strength, fortitude and valor for
whatever be "maybe called to;" and then she devoutly
prays: " May tbe broad band of the Almiglity overshadow
you; and if called to battle, may the God of armies cover
your bead in tbe day of it."

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I, p. 429.

2. The following is the text of this beautiful letter, copied by the author from
the original, in possession of Miss Varick, of New York city :

" N. Have.v, June, 1775.
"Dear Buothkr: «k,

" Take this opportunity pr. Capt. Oswald, to congratulate you on your late success
in reducing Ticonderoga, and making yourself master of the vessells on the lakes.
Sincerely wish all your future endeavors to serve your country may be crowned
with equal success. Pity the fatigue you must unavoidably suffer in the wilder-
ness. But as the cause is undoubtedly a just one, hope you may have health,
strength, fortitude and valor, for whatever you may be called to. ilay the broad
haud of the Almighty overshadow you ; and if calk d to battle, may the God of Armies

48 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Then adding: "The men who went under your care to
Boston give you the praise of a very humane and tender
officer;" she hopes " those now with you may meet with an
equal degree of tenderness and humanity. I doubt it not,"
says &he, " for the truly brave are ever humane." All who
read the letter will concur in the declaration, that few sol-
diers in modern times, few knights in the days of chivalry,
ever went forth to battle borne up by a more holy or a more
tender prayer than that uttered in this letter by his devoted
sister.

It was on Colonel Arnold's return to Cambridge that
Washington, more just than the Massachusetts committee,
selected him to command one of the most difficult and per-
ilous enter23rises ever undertaken on the American conti-
nent— the expedition to Quebec; and it is not too much to
say that his march through the wilderness was conducted
with an abilit}^ and fortitude rarely if ever surpassed.

cover your head in the day of it. 'Tis to Hira and Him only, my dear brother, that
we can look for safety or success. His power is ever able to shield us from the pes-
tilence that walks in darkness, and the arrows that fly by noonday. May a Chris-
tian resignation to His will strengthen your hands and fortify your heart. May you
seek His aid and rest your whole confidence in Him ; and then you will have no
fear but that of offending Him ; and if we are to meet no more in time, may a wise
preparation for eternity secure to us a happy meeting in the realms of bliss, where
painful separations are forever excluded. The men who went under your care to
Boston, give you the praises of a very humane, tender oflBcer. Hope those now
with you may meet with an equal degree of tenderness and humanity.

" Your little family are all well. Benedict is eager to hear everything relative to
his papa. Mr. Mansfield, contrary to all expectation, is again able to ride out ; and
his physicians think he is in a fair way of recovering a comfortable state of health.
ISIr. Harrison, you have undoubtedly heard, is dead by a fit of the apoplexy. We have
numbers of people daily coming here from New Yorlc and Boston. Capt. Sears, and
Mrs. Brown and Piatt, with several other families from York, are now here. The
world seems a universal flutter and hurry. What the event will be God only knows.
But in all its changes, of this I am certain: that your health and prosperity are

dear to me as my owu.

" Your aflfectionate Sister,

" Hannah Arnold."

CHAPTER III.

EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC.

"Qui Transtulit Sustiiiet."

Expedition to Qhkbec and March through the Wildekness— Arnold Proposes
THE Expedition to Washington— Washington Approves, and Selects for
IT THE " Picked Men" of his Army, and gives the Command to Arnold—
Their Difficulties, Suffkrings and Dangers— Enos gets Frightened and
Abandons his Comrades— Arnold, M'ith Morgan, Pushes on— Provisions
Exhausted— Arnold with s-ix Men makes a Forced March to the Canadian
Settlements, obtains Food, and Saves the Detachment. (1)

Quebec has been called, perhai3S with some exaggeration,
the " Gibraltar of America." Seated on its rockj cliffs,
overlooking and commanding the St. Lawrence, both France
and England had ever regarded it as the stronghold of the
Canadas, and the aid of art had been brought to add to its
great natural strength. After the capture of the forts on
lakes George and Champlain, the project of obtaining mil-
itary possession of Canada, with a view of uniting the
whole continent in opposition to the power of Great
Britain, had, as we have seen, been presented to Congress
by Arnold and others.

When "Washington reached Cambridge and assumed com-
mand, on the 3d of July, 1775, he had already favorably

1. The details of this expedition are gathered from the letters and journal of
Arnold. See collections of Maine Historical Society, Vol. I, p. 446. Also manu-
script journal of Arnold in possession of Mr. Barlow, of New York, the journals cf
Major Meigs, Judge Henry, Messrs. Thayer, Senter and others, Avho were in the expe-
dition and kept journals. Also Spark's Life of Benedict Arnold, Lossing's Field
Book of the Revolution, and Force's American Archives.

(49)

50 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

considered the i^roject, was in con-espondence with Schnj-
]er on the snhject, and Schuyler ]iad been selected to lead
an army into Canada by way of the ISTorthern lakes. It
was now proposed by Arnold that an expedition should
march by way of the Kennebec river, through the wilder-
ness over the mountains of Maine to Quebec, to capture
that city by surprise, and thus co-operate with Schuyler.

The plan of reacliing Quebec by this route is said in the
introduction to Thayer's Journal, edited by Stone,' to have
originated with Arnold, and to have been suggested to
him by reading the Journal, written in 1760, of Colonel
Montresor, an officer of the British Engineer Service.
After careful study, and several conferences with Arnold,
Washington lieartily adopted the project. It was a most
hazardous enterprise, full of difficulties and dangers, known
and nnknoM^n, but if successful would realize results of the
utmost importance.^ Washington fully appreciated its dif-
ficulties, and there is a tone of gravity approaching to sol-
emnity in his letter of instructions to Arnold. "You are
entrusted with a command," writes he, " of the utmost con-
sequence to the liberties of America; on your conduct and
courage and that of the officers and soldiers detached on
this expedition, not only tlie success of your present enter-
prise and your own honor, but the safety and welfare of the
wdiole country may depend." '

Conscious of the difficulties to be encountered, he selected
the best material in his army for the expedition. The field
officers were Lieutenant Colonels Christopher Green, of
Khode Island, and Koger Enos, of Connecticut; Majors

1. See Introduction to Thayer's Journal of the Expedition to Quebec.

2. " The proposed expedition was wild and perilous, and required a hardy, skill-
ful and intrepid leader. Such a one was at hand. Washington considered him
(Arnold) the very man for the enterprise."— irriug's Life of Washington Vol. 2, p. CI.

3. These carefully written instructions, and an address to the people of Can-
ada, Washington prepared at his headquarters, now the residence of the poet
Longfellow.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 51

Eetnrn J. Meigs, of Connecticut, and Timothy Bigelow,
of Massaclinsetts. Among the captains was the celebrated
Daniel Morgan, the famous rifleman of Virginia.

Aaron Burr, afterwards Vice President of tlie United
States, Mathew Ogden, and some other young men, eager
for adventure, joined the expedition as volunteers.

That Arnold suggested this expedition to Washington
appears from a letter of Gates, then adjutant-general of the
force at Cambridge, dated Aug. 25th, 1775, in which he
says: " I am directed by his Excellency, General Wash-
ington, to request you to await the return of the express
(sent to Gen. Schuyler). I have laid your plan before the
General, who will converse with you upon it when you next
meet." '

The detachment consisted in all of eleven hundred men —
ten companies of musketmen and three of riflemen. These
riflemen were from the mountains of Virginia and Penn-
sylvania; men of whom Daniel Boone and David Crocket
were examples; hunters and Indian fighters, familiar witli
woodcraft, the ■ rifle, the hunting-knife and the birch-bark
canoe; men who could endure hunger, exposure and
fatigue; who knew how to find subsistence and shelter in
the forests; who could supply themselves with food from
the deer, the bear and other wild game, and from fish from
the rivers and lakes; men with some of the sagacity, reso-
lution and fertility of resource which Cooper has ascribed

1. The following is the letter :

Head Quarters, 25th Aug., 1775.
Sir: I am confident you told me last night that you did not intend to leave Cam-
bridge until the express sent by your friend reiurned from General Schuyler.
Lest I should be mistaken, I am directed by his Excellency, General Washington, to
request you to wait the return of that express. I have laid your plans before the
General, who will converse with you upon it when you next meet. Your answer
by the bearer will oblige, sir.

Your affectionate and humble Servant.'

Horatio Gates, Adj't General.
To Col. Arnold, at Watcrtown.

Historical Magazine, Dec. 1857. Vol. 1. No. 12, p. 372.

52 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

to the Leatlierstockii:ig, equally at home on the trail of an
Indian or the track of a wild beast — the picked men of the
Colonies. Henry says/ "All these men were of as rude and
hardy a race as ourselves, and as unused to the discipline of
a camp, and as fearless as we."

Many of them were men of substance, well-to-do farmers,
men of pride of character, zealous but independent, and
with crude ideas of military discipline. It is obvious that
no ordinary man could lead through unknown difficulties
and dangers such a body. They could be controlled only
by the personal qualities of their leader. He must be one
whose character would compel their respect. He should be
as bold, fis manly, as plucky as the best of them, and they
jnust believe he was their superior in skill and judgment.
He should be a natural leader of men, and possess not only
courage and capacity, but he should be able to inspire his
men with confidence in his courage and ability. "Washing-
ton believed Benedict Arnold to be such a man. This is
proved not only by his selection to command this most
hazardous expedition, but also from "Washington's letters.

The three companies of riflemen were especially regarded
as embodying the best material for the hard work expected
of them. With Morgan's company from Virginia were
associated a company from Cumberland, Pennsylvania,
commanded by Captain William Hendricks, and another
from Lancaster, in the same State, commanded by Captain
Matthew Smith. " Tliey were an excellent body of men,
rude, hardy and fearless, * * formed by nature to be the
stamina of an army, fit for tough, tight work." ^

The riflemen, armed with a good rifle, a tomahawk, a
long knife, a small axe, and dressed in a hunting shirt,
moccasins and leggings, all of deer skin. This little army

1. Henry's Journal (Muncell), p. 11.

2. Henry's Journal.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 53

started from Prospect Hill, near Cambridge, Massaclm setts,
on the lltli of Sept. 1775, and on the next day reached
Kewbnrjport. From there the detachment embarked in
ten transports for tlie mouth of tlie Kennebec river, where,
leaving the vessels, they were to go in batteaux, which
Arnold had caused to be built, and thence proceed up the
Kennebec to Fort "Western, in Maine, opposite the present
town of Augusta, at which place they arrived on the 23d
of September.

All the information Arnold could obtain of the route,
was what he could glean from the meagre journal of Mon-
tresor, who had passed from Canada to the Kenebec fifteen
years before, some facts gathered from a party of St. Francis
Indians, who had lately visited the camp of Washington,
and a rude and imperfect map made by a surveyor of the
Kennebec.

The route selected as the most feasible was to ascend the
Kennebec to what was called the great carrying place, be-
tween it and the Dead river; then turning west, surmount
the carrying place; thence on over the extreme summit which
divides the waters of 'New England from those of the St.
Lawrence. Crossing this, they hoped and exj)ected to strike
the head-waters of the Chaudiere, and from thence descend
to the St. Lawrence and Quebec. With his very limited
knowledge of the country and the route, the commander
deemed it prudent to send forward a small exploring party
in advance, who were expected to move with the utmost
rapidity in bark canoes, to ascertain the obstacles and dan-
gers, and explore and mark the best route. This party had
instructions to go as far as Lake Magentic, or Chaudiere
pond — the source or head-waters of the river of that name.
Another pioneer party was sent to explore and survey the
courses and distances of Dead river. Colonel Arnold se-
lected Archiibald Steele, a bold, active, hardy and resolute

54 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

young soldier, to command the first party, and the result
showed the selection to have been most judicious. His
hardihood, resolution and ready skill carried him through,
and enabled him to overcome the most formidable difiicul-
ties. Perhaps a brief recital of the adventures of this pio-
neer party will give as clear an idea of the obstacles and
dangers which Arnold and his command encountered, as
could be conveyed by any other means.

Steele selected for one of his companions John Joseph
Henry, not then seventeen years of age, and he has left a
narrative, which, though written late in life, and from
memory, yet gives a most graphic and interesting sketch
of their adventures.

Starting from Fort Western, on the 23a of September, in
birch-bark canoes, the party passed on rapidly to Fort
Halifax, and thence to Skouhegan Falls, four miles east of
the village of Norridgewack. Here they met the first
portage or carrying place around the rapids, and by hlasing
the trees marked the route of those who were to follow.

"Here," writes Henry, "the moose deer reigns master
of the forest,"^ and " monarch of the glen."

They ascended the river rapidly. Mazing the trees at
every carrying place. Leaving the last habitation of the
white man at Norridgewack, the party j^assed on into the
wilderness. Having passed many falls, rapids and carrying
places, on the 29th of September they arrived at the great
carrying place, distant about sixty miles from Skouhegan.
The distance across the portage to Dead river was twelve
miles, but there were three or four ponds which could be
used to lessen the land carriage. Steele's party, leaving
the Kennebec, struck out towards Dead river, and at even-
ing encamped on the margin of the first pond, sleeping, as

1. When the buU moose threw up their heads, the tips of their horns seemed
to me to stand eighteen feet from the ground.— /feJiry's Journal, p. 21.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. o5

usual when on shore, on the branches of the fir, liemlock
and other evergrreens. The ground across this car

•rviuir

place was rough, rocky and rugged, interspersed with bogs,
in which the men often sunk to their knees. It was now
decided by Steele to divide liis little partj^, leaving the
weakest and half the provisions, while he pressed forward
with the strongest and most enduring of his men. Two
days of very hard work brought him to the banks of Dead
river.

Pressing on, each day meeting new difficulties, their pro-
visions grew scant, and the party put themselves on short
rations, and resolved to eat their pork raw, and to eat but
twice each day, morning and evening. " Unacquainted "
says Henry, " with tlie distance we had to go, without map
or chart, yet resolved to accomplish our orders at the haz-
ard of our lives; a half a biscuit, and half an inch square
of raw pork was our evening meal." ^

October 4th, brought the party to the deserted wigwam
of Natanis, an Indian chief, then supposed to be in the
pay of the English as a spy, but w^ho with a part of his war-
riors was afterwards induced by Arnold to join the expedi-
tion, and who with his men faithfully accompanied him to
Quebec. The cquntry grew more and more rough and dif-
ficult as the party advanced, and having now reached nearly
to the high lands dividing the waters which flow to the
Atlantic, from those which empty into the St. Lawrence,
the weather became bitterly cold, and snow and ice added
to their difficulties. The lonely, inhospitable solitudes of
these high and far-away regions, is strikingly illustrated by
the fact, that in 1858 a musket which had been left in 1775,
by one of Arnold's expedition, was first discovered. The stock
had entirely decayed, and the mountings and barrel had
fallen to the ground.'^ During this period of more than

1. Henry's Journal pp. 29, 31.

2. Henry's Journal, note to page 34.

56 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

eighty years, the Colonies had become a great nation ; the
pioneer had penetrated every bay and harbor of the great
western lakes, and crossing the Mississippi, and scaling the
rocky mountains, he had erected his settler's cabin along the
shores of the Pacific; the far-off Columbia was dotted with
his towns and villages, but into these gloomy solitudes of
Maine, during all this time, no wanderer had gone!

For more than three-quarters of a century the adventur-
ous step of no man, red or white, had trod these solitudes!

At length, on the Tth of October, the party of Steele,
weary and worn, reached the end of their explorations — the
head-waters of the Chaudiere. Gathering around the roots
of a pine, which rose forty feet without a branch, Steele
asked if any of the party could climb it?^ Eobert Cun-
ningham, an athletic young soldier twenty -five years of age,
instantly began the ascent, going up with the activity
almost of a squirrel. From the top he could trace far away
towards the north the meanderings of the river, until it
expanded into Lake Chaudiere, fifteen miles distant.
Elated with their success, the party turned their faces back
towards their comrades, toiling far behind in the depths of
the forests. Soon overtaken by a fierce storm, hungry,
drenched with rain and sleet, they attempted to shelter
themselves under the branches of the evergreens, and they
were so exhausted they " slept, notwithstanding the pelting
storm." 2

" Eumaging my pocket," says Henry, " I fonnd a soli-
tary biscuit and an inch of pork." Far from their com-
panions, and nearly famishing, where were they to obtain
food to sustain life? They made all possible haste, looking
constantly for game, and finding none until the 9th, when
they fortunately shot a small duck called a diver. At
night when they gathered around their camp-fire, they

1. Henry's Journal, pp. 34, 35,

2. Henry's Journal, p. 37.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 57

anxiously discussed the question how this duck and their
little pittance of remaining food could be most effectnally
used to prolong life. Tliej decided to boil the duck in
their camp kettle, each man putting in his last bit of pork,
and each marking his own by running through it a small
wooden skewer, marked with his own priv^ate mark. The
broth so made was to be all the supper the poor fellows had,
reserving the boiled pork for breakfast, and the duck to be
divided and laid by. " My appetite," says Plenry, " was as
ravenous as a wolf," but the resolution to take no more
than the broth was kept.' Rising early the next morning,
each man took his mouthful of pork, and breakfast was
over. The duck was then separated into ten parts, the
number of the party, and divided in the hunter's usual
way — that is, one of the party, turning his back — and then
Steele asked of the man whose back was turned to the frag-
ments, "Whose shall this be?" The man answered, nam-
ing the part3\ Henry says, "my share of the duck was
one of the thighs." The day wore away, the party hasten-
ing on, the duck w^as eaten, and the party encamped and
tried, when night overtook them, to sleep. Rising the
next morning, they resumed their march with not a morsel
of food. Traveling all the weary day, they lay down again
supperless.

The next day, trying to hurry on with all the little
strength left, they ran their canoe against a partially sunken
tree, and the frail bark was torn open from stem to stern.
To repair this by finding birch trees, stripping off the bark,
digging cedar-roots for thread, and collecting pitch from
the pine, delayed them some hours, and now^, utterly ex-
hausted with hunger and fatigue, and at an unknown dis-
tance from the main party, some of them began to despair.
Henry says: " The thought came that the Almighty had

1. Henry's Journal, pp. 37-38.

58 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

destined us to die of hunger in the wilderness." Few will
reproach the boj for saying: " The tears fell from my eyes
as I thought of my mother and family in their far-off
home." But the good Father who does not sufter the spar-
row to fall to the ground unnoticed, had not destined this
hapless party, without food for near forty-eight hours, to
perish in this " wilderness," for as the sun went down, and
Henry, whose struggling canoe from sheer exhaustion lagged
some hundred yards behind, heard the sharp crack of a
rifle, followed by a shout and a huzza, and pushing forward,
he saw, with inexpressible joy, a moose deer struggle. from
the water and fall upon the bank. They were saved ! The
forest shores echoed with their shouts of exultation, as the
whole party gathered around the game. Kindling a fire,
the famishing men feasted.^

On the 17th this pioneer party and the advance of the
main body met, and they were welcomed, as brave men
welcome comrades who have escaped a fearful danger.
More than three weeks had passed since they had left Fort
Western.

The main body had followed as soon after these scouts as
possible, moving in four divisions, one day's march apart, to
avoid confusion in passing rapids and portages. The rifle-
men, with Morgan at their head, in advance; then came
Green and Bigelow with three companies, followed by
Meigs with four, and then Enos with the three remaining
companies, brought up the rear.

Arnold remained at Fort Western to see all embarked,
and then in a fast birch-bark canoe, paddled by Indians, he
pushed rapidly forward, and, passing each party, overtook
Morgan and the riflemen at ITorridgewack falls. Here,
just below the falls, more than half a century before, had
been the site of an Indian village of the tribe for which

1. Henry's Journal, p. 47.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 59

tlie falls were named; and here, in 1698, came the good
Father Halle, a French priest, as a missionary, who after
twenty-three years of devoted self-denial among these red
children, was, in 1724, cruelly slain in a sudden attack by a
party from Massachusetts.^ "When Arnold arrived there,
in October, 1775, he found an utter solitude. The only
mementos of the once happy village were the ruins of the
altar and the chapel, and a cross which marked the grave of
the venerable priest. From this place the march was to be
through a wild and uninhabited wilderness, without paths,
and often without even an Indian trail. Across dismal
swamps and deceptive bogs, up rocky precipices and almost
inaccessible mountains, along streams full of rapids and
falls, and along and over all these obstacles the rude bat-
teaux, the arms and ammunition, with which to attack the
strongest fortress in America, and all their provisions, sup-
plies and clothing, to protect them from the rigor of a
Canadian winter, now too rapidly approaching, were to be
transported.

Draft animals could not be used to any considerable ex-
tent, as a large portion of this savage and desolate region
was then inaccessible to any animals but those of the chase.

At the falls near Norridgewack, the iirst portage was en-
countered. Here the batteaux, ammunition, provisions,
everything had to be taken from the water, and carried by
hand a mile and a half around the falls. It was a task of
great labor and fatigue, the banks being high, rocky and un-
even. Upon unloading the boats it was found that a large
portion of the provisions, especially the bread, had been
spoiled by the leaks in the boats, and the various accidents
and injuries which had happened in ascending the Kenne-
bec. The carpenters were immediately set to work, and a
week was expended in repairs, re-loading the boats, and
getting ready to start.

1. Thayer's Journal, p. 50.

60 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

While tlie soldiers were busy crossing this portage, Col-
onel Arnold called a council of his officers, and with their
concurrence letters were dispatched by a friendly Indian,
to certain gentlemen in Quebec, believed to be friendly, in-
forming them of the approach of the expedition.* Dis-
patches were also sent to General Schuyler, but tliej did
not reach their destination, and are supposed to have fallen
into the hands of the enemy.

As soon as the last boat was in the river, ready to start,
Arnold in his bark canoe, still paddled by Indians, shot
rapidly ahead of the rear division, and in two days came
up with the first two divisions, at the great carrying place,
some twelve miles below the junction of the Kennebec with
the Dead river. Thus far, everything had been as favorable as
he had anticipated, and although the force had been reduced
by sickness and other causes to 950 men, yet both soldiers and
officers were in good spirits, and all seemed as sanguine and
hopeful as their leader. By this time they had learned
what manner of man this leader was, and he had fully
secured the confidence and respect of the men. Loud
cheers welcomed and followed his Indian canoe, as it passed
and repassed forward and backward along the lines of his
patient, resolute and toiling soldiers. For physical endur-
ance, activity and strength, he had few equals, and perhaps
no superior in the expedition.*

The "great carrying place" was a distance of twelve or
fifteen miles, across from the Kennebec to Dead river. The
pioneer party had found this to be the most difficult part of the
route. Rugged, rocky highlands, deep ravines, ponds, deep
swamps, constantly succeeded each other. Still the faithful
soldiers toiled on, sometimes rowing, sometimes pushing

1. Journal of Isaac Senter, p. 50, Sept. 7. " By a council of the oflcers, it was
tliouglit advisable to send letters into Quebec."

2. Manuscript letter of Key. Mr. Leake.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. Gl

their boats with poles; often jumping ashore and pulling
them with ropes, and then wading in the water up to their
arm-pits. At night they landed, kindled a fire in the forest,
took their hard and scanty rations, sleeping on the ground,
and with tlie early sunrise resumed their exhausting toil.
Thus they worked their way, over the laud, to the first
pond, then in their boats floated down it, then another
portage, tlien another pond, and again a portage, and a third
pond and portage, until they reached the Dead River. Sal-
mon trout were cauglit, and occasionally the hunters suc-
ceeded in bringing down a deer or an elk. Meanwhile
Arnold caused an accurate account of provisions to be
taken, and found that his supplies would last for twenty-
five days, and he then confidently hoped to reach the waters
of the Chaudiere in ten days.

But as a matter of prudence, many being sick, he caused
a block-house to be built near the second portage, called
"Arnold's^ Hospital," at which the sick and exhausted were
left. He had already given orders for another block-house
near the Kennebec, as a depository for the provisions or-
dered up from Korridgewack.

As the soldiers pushed their boats up Dead river, passing
around a bend, a high mountain covered with snow rose be-
fore them. Encamping near the foot of this mountain,
Arnold raised his fiag, and the incident has been commem-
orated by giving the name of "Flagstaff" to a village near
by, and the mountain has been named Mt. Bigelow, after
Major Bigelow, who is said to have climbed to the top, in
the hopes of seeing Quebec.

Provisions were becoming scarce, and Arnold dispatched
Lt. Colonel Greene with a party to the rear for supplies.
Morgan and the riflemen had gone forward, and the com-
mander followed with the second division. For three days

1. Senters Journal, pp. 11 and 12.

62 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

tliej encountered cold, drencliing rains, and every man was
wet to the skin, and all the baggage soaked with water.
One night, about the 23d of October, a fearful storm arose,
the rain falling in torrents, so that the river rose eight to
ten feet in this single night; the current became rapid, fnll
of drift wood, and the channel difficult to find and follow,
and portages frequent, and at length seven of the batteaux
were upset, and their contents, including provisions, were
lost. This was a very serious misfortune, for they were now
in the very heart of the wilderness; weary, worn out, pro-
visions poor and scanty, wintry winds howling around tliem,
with unknown difficulties confronting them. Yet, in none
of the journals is there any indication of despair; neither
the men nor the officers, nor their leader, flinched from
going forward, and it should be remembered that they were
going towards and not from the enemy.* On the 24th of
October it was supposed that they were within thirty miles
of Chaudiere pond, and that their j^rovisions might, with
great care, hold out for twelve or fifteen days, Anotlier
council was called, and it was decided to send back to the
hospital the sick and feeble, and that only the strong and
hardy should go forward.

Arnold had written to Washington on the 13tli of Octo-
ber, from the second portage, between the Kennebec and
Dead river, when, after giving details of the expedition, he
said :

"Your excellency may possibly think we have been tardy in our
march, * * but when you consider the badness and the weight of the
batteaux, the large quantity of provisions we have been obliged to force
up against a very rapid stream, where you would have taken the men
for amphibious animals, as they were a great part of the time under wa-
ter; add to this the great fatigue in portage, you will think I have
pushed the men as fast as could possibly be done." ^

1. Henry's Journal, p. 52. Maine His. Col. Vol. II, p. 47G.

2. Collections of Maine His. So., Vol. I, pp. 471, 472.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. G3

The next day lie wrote back '* to hurry up the provisions
as fast as possible," On the 17th he wrote to Lt. Colonel
Enos from " Dead river, 20 miles above the portage: "

" I find Colonel Greene's division very short of provisions. I have or-
dered Major Bigelow, with thirty-one men out of each company, to return
and meet your division, and brinof up such provisions as you can spare,
to be divided equally among the three. This will lighten the rear, and
they will be able to make greater dispatch. * I make no doubt you will
hurry on as fast as possible.^

On the 24th, Arnold, on Dead river, thirty miles from
Chandiere pond, writes again to Enos: "I have been de-
layed by the extreme rains and freshets; have provisions
for twelve or fifteen days," and adds that in a council of
the ofiicers it had been decided to send back all the sick and
feeble, and directing Enos to select as many of his best men
as he could furnish with provisions for fifteen days, and the
remainder, sick and well, should be sent back, and he con-
cludes: " I make no doubt yon will join with me in this
matter, as it may be the means of saving the whole detach-
ment and executing our plan, as fifteen days will doubtless
bring us to Canada. I make no doubt you will make all
possible expedition."

On the same day he wrote to Greene: " Send back all the
sick, and proceed on with the best men. Pray hurry as
fast as possible.''''

Meanwhile Arnold himself was hurrying on with all pos-
sible dispatch. The rain changed to snow, ice covered the
water, and tlie men wading and breaking through snow
and sleet, at lengtli reached the very summit which sepa-
rates the waters of New England from those of Canada.
Another portage of four miles brought them to a small
stream, along which they passed to Lake Magentic, the
Chaudiere pond. On the 27th Arnold addressed a letter
to " Greene, Enos, and the captains in the rear," saying, " I

1. Maine His. Col., Vol. I, p. 473,

64 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

sliall proceed as fast as possible to the inhabitants to send
back provisions; pray make all possible dispatch," The
day he reached Chaudiere pond he wrote to Washington,
explaining the difficulties which had retarded his progress,
saying, " I have this minute arrived." He explains how
the provisions became short by losing a nnmber of loaded
batteaux at the falls ; he had ordered all the sick and feeble
to return. "I am determined," said he, " to set out imme-
diately for Sartigan (the first French settlement) and procure
a supply of provisions and send back to the detachment." ^
lie adds that if he finds the enemy had not been apprised
of his coming, he should attempt to surj^rise Quebec, " as
soon as a proper nnmber of men should arrive." He con-
cluded by saying, " I have been deceived by every account
of our route, which is longer, and has been attended by a
thousand difficulties I never apprehended, but if crowned
with success, I shall think it but trifling."

On the very day previous to the date of the above letter,
"Washington, writing to Schuyler, says: "My anxiety ex-
tends to poor Arnold, whose fate depends upon the issue
of your campaign."'^ Again Washington writes to Schuy-
ler: "I am alarmed for Arnold, whose expedition is built
upon yours, and who will infallably perish if the invasion
and entry into Canada is abandoned by your successor."^

On the 29th of October Arnold wrote "To the field-
officers and the captains, and to be sent on, that all may
see it," an encouraging letter, saying the scouts had re-
ported that the French were rejoicing at his approach, and
would gladly supjDly provisions; he tells them he had just
met Steele and Church, and that he was going forward as
fast as possible, and that he hoped in six days to send
back provisions, and prays them to make all ^possible dis-

1. Maine His. Col. Vol. I, pp. 476-477.

2. Am. Archives, 4 S., Vol. Ill, p. 170.

3. Am. Archives, 4 S , 1S75, p. 1)76.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 65

patch. If any could spare provisions, they were to divide
with those most needy/

The same day he wrote again to Enos, nnconscions tliat
this officer had already abandoned the expedition, saying:
"I hope soon to see you in Quebec."'" About this time it
seems that the order of march by companies was given uj),
and all were urged, in their extremity, to pusli on with all
possible speed towards the French settlements, to which
Arnold himself was hastening, to obtain supplies.

A few extracts from the journals of the soldiers will
illustrate their condition better than any language I can
use. Henry says:

" October 29th our provisions were exhausted. We had no meat of any
kind. The flour was divided, and each man had five pints, and it was
baked into five cakes, under the ashes, in the way of Indian bread." ^

" We slept on fir branches, and on awakening in the morning, and the
blanket thrown from my head, what was my surprise to find we had
slept under at least four inches of snow." ^

Henry gives the details of the misfortunes of a poor
drummer named Shafer, who had defective eye-sight. His
mishaps, sometimes ludicruous, often pathetic, were caused
by his imperfect sight. Some mischievous or heartless
soldiers had stolen all his last live cakes. The mess of which
Henry was a party first laughed at him, and then gave him
a cup full of tiour and Henry gave him his own third cake.
Often in crossing the gullies and ravines, the soldiers would
cross on a log which had been blown down by the wind, or
the ax men had felled. Often poor Shafer would tumble off,
drum and all, and he was, as Henry says, " the laughing
stock " of the soldiers, but to Henry himself an object of
compassion. Yet this poor drummer, half blind, starving,
and almost, naked, "bore his drum uninjured to Quebec

1. Maine His. Col., Vol. I, pp. 177-8,

2. :Maine His. Col., p. 478.

3. Henry's Journal, pp. 09-62.

4. Henry's Journal, p. 63.

66 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

wlien many strong and hale men died in tlie wilder-
ness.'"

Henry describes the endurance of the wife of Sergeant
Greer, who was, he says, " a large, virtuous and respectable
woman," accompanying her husband and the soldiers in
their march. They encountered a pond frozen over with
ice ; breaking the ice with their hands and guns, they
marched on and soon found themselves " waist deep in
water." He was astonished by the endurance of Mrs.
Greer, as she raised her clothes more than waist high,
'to keep them dry.' She waded before me to firm ground,
and no one dared intimate a disrespectful idea of her." '^

" Marching on, without even the path of the savage to
guide us, we found a batteau to take us across which the
providence of Col. Arnold had stationed there for our accom-
modation." '

" Thus we proceeded, the pale and meager looks of my
companions tottering on their feeble limbs, * * and com-
ing to a sandy beach of the Chaudiere, some men of our
company were observed to dart from the file, and with
their nails tear out of the sand roots which they deemed
eatable, and eat them raw. Powerful men struggled, even
with blows, for these roots, such was the extremity of their
hunger. During the day's march (Nov. 2), I sat down on
the end of a log, absolutely fainting with hunger and fatigue.
A party of soldiers were making a broth. They gave me a
cup of it." It had a greenish hue, and Henry tasted it. It
was made of a dog, a large black J^ew^foundland, which had
belonged to Captain Dearborn, and though a great favorite,
and tlie faithful companion of their march, it was given up
to appease the cravings of their hunger. " They eat," says

1. Henry's Journal, p. 63.

2. Henry's Journal, p. G7.

3. Henry's Journal, p. C7.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 67

Dearborn, "every part of him, not excepting his entrails,'
and then collected the bones to ponnd u^d and make broth
for another meal." There was only one other dog in the
detachment. This, too, was killed and eaten. Okl moose-
hide breeches were boiled and then broiled on the coals and
eaten. Some tried to make sonp out of their old deerskin
moccasins, but, although the poor fellows boiled them long,
they Avere leather still. Many died from fatigue and hun-
ger, frequently in four or five minutes after giving up and
sitting down. Henry says these hardships produced among
the men a willingness to die.'' But why multiply details;
nothing induced these resohite men to murmur or com-
plain.

During all their suiferings and privations, such was
Arnold's influence over them, and such the confidence he
had inspired, there was no murmuring. He had shared
every danger; they were satisfied he was doing the best that
could be done, and they believed in his ability to take them
through. The hour of supreme peril came at last, and
speedy relief must be had, or the men would die by the
hundred from absolute starvation. Selecting a small party
of the strongest men, Arnold started at 10 o'clock for the
French settlement, and he made twenty miles in two hours,
passing down the Chaudiere with all the speed possible.
The river was rocky, rapid and dangerous, and now three of
his batteaux dashing against the rocks, were stove in, losing
all their baggage and provisions, and the men barely escap-
ing with their lives. This disaster saved them all from
death, for a half a mile farther on was an unknown and ter-
rible fall, over which no boat could safely pass, and, if it
liad not been discovered, all would have perished. This
man of iron, however, was still hopeful and determined,

1. Letter of Dearborn, quoted in Thayer's Journal— note to page 15.

2. Henry's Journal,

68 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

and, dividing tlie small quantity of provisions still left, and
taking with him but six men and two boats, he pressed on,
conscious that the lives of hundreds of his brave, patient,
devoted followers, depended on his success in procuring
immediate succor.

On the 30th of October, at night, he reached the first
house, eighty miles from the lake, and with the next morn-
ing's sun a sujjply of fresh provisions and flour had started
and was hastening back, with all possible speed, yet none
too soon to save the lives of his famishing soldiers.'

Says one: " When we saw the cattle coming up the river
that Arnold had sent, it was the joyfullest sight I ever
beheld, and some could not refrain from tears."

Arnold sent careful instructions that the needy should
take sparingly, and those wlio had provisions, to let what was
sent pass on to those most in need, so that all might be
relieved. On the 8th of November he wrote to Washing-
ton, giving further details of his march, and saying that
the detachment had all happily arrived within two or three
day's march, except "Colonel Enos' division, which, I am sur-
prised to hear, are all gone back," ^ and in spite of tliis and
all other disasters, he writes hopefully of the success of the
enterprise.

The journals of these "forty days in the wilderness," in-
cluding Arnold's letters and journal, give a plain but vivid
picture of the sufferings endured and the difiiculties over-
come. The men had hauled or pushed their batteaux one
hundred and eighty miles, and carried them and all their
contents at least forty miles on their shoulders, and yet
starving, half naked, nearly frozen, " fired with a love of
liberty, the men pushed on with a fortitude superior to every
obstacle."'

1. Arnold to Washington, Maine His. Col. Vol. I, p. 482.

2. Arnold to Washington, Nov. 8, 1776. Maine His. Col. Vol, I, p. 482,

3. Letterof Arnold ; Maine Hist. Col., Vol. I, p. 49C.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 69

The desei-tion of Enos was very nearly fatal to the expe-
dition. The party that returned took back with them, ac-
cording to Dr. Senter, more than their proportion of the
provisions, and thus contributed to the extreme scarcity of
food.'

On his arrival at Cambridge, Enos was put under arrest
by Washington, tried, and although acquitted (the wit-
nesses against him, many of them, being where he ought
to have been — in Canada), yet he never acquired again the
confidence of the commander, and left the army."

Washington writes to Schuyler: "In consequence of
Enos' return, Arnold will not be able to make a successful
attack on Quebec, without the co-operation of Montgom-
ery.;^ .

Xothing could exceed the indignation felt towards Enos,
by those whom he had abandoned. Henry says, " Enos'
desertion was worthy of punishment of the most exem-
plary kind." * " Enos got frightened, and with the greater
part of the provisions turned back." It is somewhat sur-
prising that the impetuous and passionate Arnold, iA writ-
ing to Washington of this desertion, says only, " Colonel
Enos' division, I am surprised to hear, are all gone back." "
To which Washington replies, " Your surprise could not
be greater than mine at Enos' return." " " I immediately
put him under arrest, and had him tried for quitting your
detachment without your orders." '

1. See Dr. Senter's Journal, p. 17. " We were left the alternative of accepting the
small pittance, and proceed or return. The former was adopted, with the deter-
mined resolution to go through or die."

2. " His appearance excited the greatest indignation in the continental camp,
and Enos was looked upon as a traitor for thus deserting his companions and
endangering the whole expedition."— iosst«gr's Field Book of the Revoluti tn,Vol. I,
p. 182.

3. Force's Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1703.

4. Henry's Journal, p. 132.

5. Appendix to Henry's Journal, p. 1 S(j.

6. Am. Archives, 4 S., Vol. III. p. 192.

7. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. Ill, pp. 192-3.

70 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

"Writing to Schuyler, Washington expresses his relief and
joy at Arnold's safe arrival, and adds, " The merit of that
officer is certainly great, and I heartily wish that fortune
may distinguish him as one of her favorites. He will do
everything which prudence and valor can suggest." ^

Henry relates an incident, having reference, to himself,
illustrating the character of Arnold. As the army were
approaching the St. Lawrence, Henry became so ill he could
not march, and he seated himself on a log by the side of
the road while the troops passed by. " In the rear," says
he, " came Arnold on horseback." Seeing the young sol-
dier sitting by the roadside, pale and dejected, Arnold
halted and dismounted, ran down to the river, and hailed
the owner of the house which stood opposite. The Cana-
dian quickly came, and "took me into his boat, and Arnold
placing two silver dollars in my hand, the Frenchman car-
ried me to his house," and there he was kindly cared for
until he was able to join his comrades. ^ ^

An officer in the expedition, writing from near Quebec,
IS'ov. 21st, gives his impressions of Arnold. "Our com-
mander," says he, "is a gentleman worthy of the trust
reposed in him; a man, I believe, of invincible courage, of
great prudence; ever serene, he defies the greatest danger
to affect him, or difficulties to alter his temper; in fine, you
will ever find him the intrepid hero and the unruffled
Christian." *

Such appeared Arnold to his comrades on the march to
Canada.

The candid student of history, after reading the various
journals of this expedition, including the modest one of
Arnold, and his letters to Washington, will not, I think,

1. Am. Arch. 4 S.. Vol. IV, p. 191.

2. Henry's Journal, p. 77.

3. The praise of the soldiers he led to Boston, of being " a very humane and
tender officer," seems to have been well merited.

4. Henry 's Journal, appendix, p. 185.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 71

witliliold the conclusion that it was conducted with con-
summate ability. During all the difficulties I have at-
temj)ted to describe, all testimony concurs in establishing
that the leader possessed great executive ability; that he
was resolute, ever thoughtful, vigilant and active, and saga-
cious in overcoming obstacles. He had such control over
his men that none subject to the magnetism of his personal
presence yielded to despondency. It was those only who
were behind with Enos who harbored the thought of aban-
doning the enterprise. This power of inspiring men with
enthusiasm, liolding them up to a higli purpose in the face
of danger, is rare, and has always marked the great leaders
of men. This power was exhibited by Arnold in a very
remarkable degree, not only in this expedition, but in the
hard battles which he afterwards fought. Washington, as
we shall see in the progress of this narrative, recognized
this power and sent liim to the post of danger, not only on
account of his courage, but also because of his power over
the militia and his ability to make them fight like veterans.
In the midst of solitude, far Irom succor, cold, ill-clad,
sometimes freezing, often nearly starved, nothing but
enthusiasm for their cause, and perfect confidence in their
leader, could have created and held them up to their reso-
lute purpose. It is impossible to read the details of the
expedition without being struck with wonder at the energy
and perseverance which surmounted such obstacles. The
intelligent and impartial foreign historian, Botta, speaks of
the achievement as entitling its leader to be ranked " among
the great captains of antiquity." But for Arnold's treason,
this march and the assault upon Quebec would have been a
favorite theme of poetry and eloquence, and the record
thereof one of the brightest pages in American history. Is
it just to his brave associates to say nothing of Arnold himself,
to rob them of their well-earned glory, because it would

IZ ■ LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

illuminate a traitor's name? The sober and measured lan-
guage of Washington warms into pathos, and almost pas-
sionate eloquence, when speaking of their exploits and suf-
ferings. Indeed, such was the impression that Arnold's
difficulties and conduct made upon him, that he closes his
letter of December 5th with the prayer: " That the Almighty
may preserve and prosper you, in the glorious work you
have begun, is the sincere and fervent prayer of, dear sir,
etc." '

This expedition has been compared to that of ISTapoleon
crossing the Alps, the retreat of the 10,000 described by
Xenophon, and to Bonaparte's retreat Irom Moscow; but
in justice to the American soldiers, it should be remem-
bered that this was an advance and not a retreat. Every dif-
ficulty overcome placed them nearer tlie enemy, and farther
from tlieir friends. Every obstacle they surmounted was a
barrier against retreat.. Taking it altogether, it is not ex-
travagant to say that for tough endurance and unflinching
courage, it is difiicult to find its parallel,'^

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 192.

2. In a letter dated Nov. 27, Arnold gives a brief summing up < f the expedition:
"Thus in about eight weeks we completed a march of near GOO miles, not to be
paralleled in history ; the men having, with the greatest fortitude and persever-
ance brought their batteaux up rapid streams, being obliged to wade almost the
whole way, near one hundred and eighty miles ; carried them on their shoulders
near forty miles, over swamps and bogs almost impenetrable, and up to their knees
in mire, being often obliged to cross them three or four times with their baggage.
Short of provi.sions, part of the detachment disheartened and gone back, famine
staring us in the face ; an enemy's country and uncertainty ahead. Notwithstand-
ing all these obstacles, the oflBcers and men, inspired with a love of liberty and
their country, pushed on with a fortitude superior to every obstacle, and most of
them had not one day s provisions for a week."— ifanie Kls. Col. of Vol. 1. pp. -Iflo-G.

CHAPTER IV.

ASSAULT UFON QUEBEC.

"It i? not in the power of any man to command success, but you have done
more; you have deserved it."— Washington to Arnold. (1)

" 'Tis not in mortals to command success,
But we '11 do more, Semprouius, we '11 deserve it."

—Addison 's Cato.

Arnold Holds an Indian Council— His Spkkch to the Indians— Crosses the St.
Lawrence— Climbs to the Plains of Abraham, and Menaces Quebec— Re-
ceives Thank.s of Washington and Schuyler— Montgomery and Arnold
ASSAULT Quebec— Montgomery Killed- Arnold shot Whilf, Leading the
" Forlorn Hope " —Made A^Brigadier-General— Blockades Quebec.

The energy and activity of Colonel Arnold saved liis
detacliment from actual starvation, but it taxed both to the
utmost. A few hours more without relief would have seen
many of his gallant men helpless and dying in the forest.

By the 8th of November nearly all of the detachment,
except the rear division, had reached his camp at the French
settlements. The men came straggling in, singly, in
squads of small parties, and in companies. Their comman-
der immediately set about re-organizing '' the straggling
and emaciated troops."^ On the 4th of ]^ovember, wdiile
the soldiers were coming in, a body of Indians occupyino^
as their hunting grounds a part of the territory over which
Arnold had raarched,^'aited upon him at Sartignan, and
with all the formality and dignity which characterize an

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. HI, p. 192.

2. Henry's Journal, p. 76.

(73)

74 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Indian council, demanded the cause of his entering upon
tlieir territory.

Colonel Arnold made a formal reply, saying:

"Friends and Brethren :— I feel myself very happy in meeting with
so many of my brethren from the different quarters of the great country,
and more so, as I find we meet as friends, and that we are equally con-
cerned in this expedition. Brothers, we are the children of those people
who have now taken up the hatchet against us. More than one hundred
years ago we were all as one family. "We then differed in our religion,
and came over to this great country by consent of the king. Our fathers
bought land of the savages, and have grown a great people — even as
the stars in the sky. We have planted the ground, and by our labor
grown rich. Now a new king and his wicked great men want to take
our lands and money without our consent. This we think unjust, and all
our great men, from the river St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, met together
at Philadelphia, where they all talked together, and sent a prayer to the
king that they would be brothers and fight for him, but would not give
up their lands and money. The king would not hear our prnyer, but
sent a great army to Boston and endeavored to set our brethren against
us in Canada. The king's army at Boston came out into the fields and
houses, killed a great many women and children while they were peace-
ably at work. The Bostonians sent to their brethren in the country, and
they came in unto their relief, and in six days raised an army of fifty
thousand men, and drove the king's troops on board their ships, killed
and wounded fifteen hundred of their men. Since that they durst not
come out of Boston. Now we hear the French and Indians in Canada
have sent to us that the king's troops oppress them, and make them pay
a great price for their rum, etc., press them to take up arms against the
Bostonians, their brethren, who have done them no hurt. By the desire
of the French and Indians, our brothers, we have come to their assist-
ance, with an intent to drive out the king's soldiers; when drove off, we
will return to our own country, and leave this to the peaceable enjoyment
of its proper inhabitants.

Now if the Indians, our brethren, will join us, we will be very much
obliged to them, and will give them one Portuguese per month, two dol-
lars bounty, and find them their provisions, and the liberty to choose
their own officers." ^

This remarkable and curious speech had the desired
effect. A treaty was entered into; the principal chief,
Natanis, with his brother Sabatis, with about fifty war-

1. Journal of Dr. Isaac Senter, p. 23.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 75

riors, joined the expedition, and served faithfully in the
efforts against Quebec. The French and Canadians kindly
welcomed "the Bostonians," as they called the soldiers of
the United Colonies, furnished them with supplies, and
gave such manifestations of friendship as encouraged the
officers of the expedition to hope for their active aid and
co-operation. The detachment being again organized, were
not permitted to linger; for Arnold, ever sanguine, still
entertained hopes of surprising Quebec. The beautiful
valley of the Chaudiere spread out before them, and across
the St. Lawrence was Quebec, the city and fortress, for the
capture of which they had been so long toiling. The weary
soldiers would gladly have lingered to recruit their ex-
hausted strength; but, says an officer in his journal, "we
were not permitted to tarry at any place, but marched as
fast as our strength would admit, to Point Levi." ' All
along the march Arnold caused to be distributed a mani-
festo from Washington to the Canadians, which had been
prepared, translated into French, and printed before his
departure from Cambridge, assuring them of the friendship
of the United Colonies, and asking their co-operation
and assistance. The people were treated with the utmost
kindness and respect, and nothing was left undone to con-
ciliate their good will.

Such was the celerity of Arnold's movements, that with-
in ten days after his arrival at the settlements with his
iive or six attendants, he had gathered in, and reorganized
his men; had marched seventy-five miles to Point Levi, and
by the thirteenth of December all his soldiers, except the
sick and disabled, had gathered around him ; and now across
the St. Lawrence towered the citadel of Quebec. The
walls of the city were bristling with heavy ordnance. The
British authorities, apprised of his approach, had burned

1. See Appendix to Henry's Journal, p. 183.

76 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

every boat on the river, and sentineled the channel with
vessels of war. Could he have found the means of cross-
ing immediately on his arrival, it is probable Quebec would
have fallen into his hands.' "We tarried at Point Levi
nearly a week, during which time we we2*e busy in prepar-
ing to cross the river ; being obliged to purchase birch-bark
canoes twenty miles distant and carry them by land, the
regulars having burned all near them as soon as they heard
of our aj)proach." "" During this time there had prevailed a
terrible storm of wind and sleet, which rendered any at-
tempt to cross impossible ; meanwhile the garrison had been
strengthened by troops from JSTew^foiindland and from the
Sorell, under McLain. The storm having abated, on the
thirteenth, at nine o'clock at night, Arnold with his bark
canoes succeeded in eluding a British frigate and sloop, and
other vessels stationed in the river to intercept him ; and
before he was discovered, had landed five hundred men at
Wolfe's Cove, leaving one hundred and fifty on the other
side unable to cross.

At daybreak on the following morning, he and his troops
had climbed the difficult path and formed his little army on
the plains of Abraham, Here, sixteen years before, Wolfe
had died at the hour of victory, repeating the lines of his
favorite poet Gray,

" The paths of glory lead but to the grave."

His victory and death had given him a monument in
Westminster Abbey, and his name had been added to the
roll ol heroes which illustrate the records of England's
military glory. Were the Americans and their leader, now

1. M'hen Arnold appeared opposite Quebec, "this daring spirit was moved to
an immediate advance. That instant of time was one of those which contain vast
possibilities, and Arnold was a man peculiarly prompt to seize opportunities for
daring adventure."— CojTJngifon's Battles of the Revolution, p. 130.

2. Letter of an officer of the expedition published in the appendix to Henry's
Journal, p. 181.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 77

standing on this liistoric "plain," less brave and meritorious
than those who overcame Montcalm?

How did the enterjjrise of Wolfe and that of Arnold
compare in point of difficulty and danger? "When Wolfe
led his troops to the plains of Abraham, his fleet consisting
of tM'enty-two ships of the line, completely commanded the
river, while Arnold had crossed in frail bark canoes and
landed his soldiers by stealth, the St. Lawrence being abso-
lutely controlled by British men-of-war.

Wolfe had an army of thousands of well trained, well
equipped, well armed veterans, while the Americans did
not exceed six hundred effective men — and these in rao:s,
bare-footed, worn with fatigue, armed with damaged mus-
kets, and without artillery; yet, with these few men, and
relying on the friendly feeling of the people within the
city, and of the Canadian militia, Arnold determined, if
possible, to provoke a sally and an attack by the garrison,
as Wolfe had done. He marched his men up to the walls,
gave cheers, to which some of the citizens responded, and
tried by every means to provoke an attack, but in vain ;
wiser but less chivalrous than Montcalm, the English kept
within the shelter of their walls.' Arnold says, " my men
were in want of everything but stout hearts, and would
have gladly met the enemy, whom we endeavored in vain
to draw out of the city."^

The garrison at this time, including regulars, marines and
militia, were some eighteen hundred strong, but such were
the fears felt by Lieutenant Govei-nor Cramaha and Colonel
McLain of the loyalty of the inhabitants and of the militia,
and so great were the apprehensions created by the assailants,

1. " Suppose the Marquis of Montcalm not to quit his intrenched lines to accept
that strange challenge (of Wolfe) * * * and what becomes of the glory of the
young hero "!"— Thackeray's Henry Esmond.

2. This act of Arnold has been condemned as "silly bravado," but a similar act
of Montgomery, where the superiority of the garrison over his troops was equally
great, has not been so characterized.

78 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

that with all their superiority of numbers, they -would not
venture outside the walls. Arnold then sent a flag demand-
ing the surrender of the city, but tlie bearer of it was fired
npon.* Hearing that Sir Guy Carleton was approaching with
reinforcements from up the river, and after finding that he
had ammunition only for five rounds to a man, Arnold
thought it prudent to retire; and he succeeded in taking
his troops to Point aux Trembles, twenty miles above Que-
bec, there to await the arrival of Montgomery, who was
approaching. This retreat was none too soon, for he had
scarcely reached his camp when the great guns of Quebec
announced the arrival of Sir Guy Carleton, the same who
had been a subaltern under Wolfe at the time of his victory
over Montcalm. Washington, with a generous apprecia-
tion, never blind to the merits of his subordinates, wrote to
Arnold, saying, " It is not in tlie power of any man to com-
mand success; but you have done more — you have deserved
it." At this time, ignorant of his retreat from thcM-alls of
the city, he adds: " I hope you have met with the laurels
which were due to your trials in the possession of Quebec."
" My thanks are sincerely offered to 3^ou for your enterprise
and persevering spirit." And on another occasion, Wash-
ington, after expressing his hopes for Arnold's success, says:
"Then you will have added the only link wanting in the
great chain of continental union, and rendered the freedom
of your country secure." ^ General Schuyler, writing to
Washington, says: "Colonel Arnold has great merit. He
has been peculiarly unfortunate that one-third of his troops
left him. If the whole had been with him when he arrived
at Quebec, he would probably have had the sole honor of
giving that important place to America." ^

1. Maine His. Soc. Col. Vol. I, p. 494.

2. Am. Archives, 4th S.,Vol. IV, p. 192.

3. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. IV, p. 226.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 79

The alarm of the Canadians on seeing these resolute men
emerge from the wilderness, was very great. Their
march through the forests and over the mountains seemed
almost incredible, and the most exaggerated reports of their
numbers, their skill with the rifle, and indomitable prowess,
spread through the countr3\

This alarm — panic would describe it more accurately —
prevented the English from attacking the Americans. Some
acts of Arnold which have been criticised as " vanity " and
"bravado," were among the means he used to keep np this
alarm, he being one of those who act upon the principle
that boldness, even to temerity, is sometimes prudence.
" They best succeed who dare."

On the 19th of November Carleton arrived at Quebec, and
his coming inspired the loyalists with hope and confidence.
Montgomery, who had succeeded to the command of Schuy-
ler's army, had thus far been brilliantly successful. He had
captured St. Johns and Montreal, and came down the St.
Lawrence, hoping to complete liis career of triumph bv
taking Quebec. But his troops were undisciplined and
sometimes turbulent, so that his authority over them rested
largely upon his personal influence. The time of the en-
listment of many of them having expired at the approach
of winter, rendered them unwilling to remain, and he was
left with eight hundred men only with which to garrison
Montreal and go down to aid Arnold in the capture of Que-
bec. On the third of December he reached Arnold's camp
at Point aux Trembles, and brought with him but three lum-
dred men. He however brought clothing and stores, to
relieve the necessities and sufferings of the hardy men who
gladly welcomed him. He found only six hundred and sev-
enty-five of those who had left Cambridge; these he re-
lieved, and was impressed by them, as he says, " with a
style of discipline much superior to what I have been used
to see in this campaign." " Colonel Arnold's corps," says

80 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

lie, "is an exceedingly fine one, and lie himself is active,
intelligent and enterprising." '

Montgomery and Arnold seem, from tlieir letters, to Lave
inspired each other with mutual respect and confidence,
and there was the most cordial co-operation between them.
Both were young, enthusiastic, and fired with a love of
glory. At the time of the assault Montgomery was thirty-
seven, and Arnold thirty-four years of age.^ On the 5tli of
.December this little army, not exceeding one thousand men,
with a regiment of two hundred Canadian volunteers,
whicli Arnold had raised, and a few Indians who had fol-
lowed him from the wilds of Maine, marched down towards
Quebec, unquestionably the strongest fortified city in
America, defended by two hundred cannon and a garrison
of double the number of the assailants. The assault must
be made at an early day, for the terms of the enlistment of a
large number of the 'New England men would expire on
the 31st of December, and many had left families at home to
which they were impatient to return. Montgomery sent a
flag demanding the surrender of the town. It was fired upon,
as was that sent by Arnold, and refused admittance. Then,
following the example of Arnold, he sent " a menacing and
extravagant letter" to the commander, but Carleton refused
to hold " any kind of parley with rebels." ' " To the storm-
ing we must come at last," said the gallant Montgomery.

A council of war was called and the two leaders, sus-
tained by their subordinates, resolved on tJie desperate and
almost forlorn hope of an assault. It was arranged that
Montgomery should attack the lower town by the way of
Cape Diamond on the river, and Arnold on the side of St.

1. Montgomery to Schuyler, Dec. 5th, 1775; Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. IV, p. 189.

2. The monument to Montgomery in St. Paul s church-yard, New York, states
that he was aged 37 years at the time of his death.

3. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. I, p. ItG.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 81

Eoque, while two feigned attacks were to be made on other
parts of the city. On the last day of the year, in the midst
of a driving snow-storm, Montgomery and Arnold led in
person the two assaulting parties. The troops were started
at two A. M., and that they might recognize each other in
the darkness and storm, each soldier wore on his cap a band
of white paper, on which many Avrote the electric words
'• Libert}^ or death." For many of those gallant fellows,
there was to be no to-morrow, no New Year's day. Yet
tliey were cheerful, confiding in their leaders and hopeful
of success. Montgomery at the head of his party marched
from his quarters at Holland house, to Wolfe's Cove, thence
for two miles along the shore of the St. Lawrence to the barrier
under Cape Diamond. The carpenters instantly began to
saw off the pickets; entering the opening thus made, Mont-
gomery found himself, with his aids, in advance of his
troops, and sent back messengers to hurry them forward;
continuing to press onward himself, until, directly in his
front, a log house with loop-holes for muskets and a bat-
tery of two three -pounders intercepted his passage. This
log house was held by a party of British soldiers and sea-
men, and as Montgomery -and his party approached, "a
part of the guard was seized with a panic; but the com-
mander restored order and the sailors stood at their guns
with lighted linstocks." Montgomery ^^aused inside the
pickets until about sixty of his men joined him, then
shouting, " Men of New York, you will not fear to follow
where your general leads; come on, my brave boys, and
Quebec is ours!" he rushed forward towards the battery.
As he and his Jjarty came running up, the cannon, loaded'
with grape-shot, were discharged into their breasts, and
Montgomery, his aid McPherson, and young Cheeseman,
and ten others, instantly fell. Their leaders killed, the col-
umn broke and fled.
6

82 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

trate all its force upon tlie attack Arnold was making on
the northeastern side of the town, he himself leading the
"forlorn hope" of about twentj-five men.

Had Montgomery and Arnold made the assault with expe-
rienced soldiers, both would have been justly censured foi
the great personal exposure which resulted in the death of
one and the severe wounding of the other; removing them
at the moment their services were most needed. But each
led militia, many of whom had probably never been under
serious lire, and while these troops would cheerfully follow
and obey the order — " Come on, boys " — they might hesitate
and falter if told to " go ahead, boys." Arnold, therefore,
as usual with him, led the forlorn hope, marching about one
hundred yards before the main body. ^

As he reached Palace Gate, in the midst of a wild storm,
the alarm was ringing from all the bells of the city, drums
were beating, and the artillery opened upon him. With
their fearless leader at their front, the party ran along in
single file, bending down their heads to avoid the storm, and
covering their guns with their coats to keep their powder
dry. Lamb, with a field-piece upon a sled, and Morgan,
with his riflemen, followed. The first barrier was at the
Sault au Matelot; approaching this the party found them-
selves in a narrow way, swept by a battery, with soldiers
firing upon them from houses on each side of the passage.
Arnold, advancing rapidly towards the barrier, cheering his
men to the assault, was struck by a musket ball, at the
moment of its capture. His leg was broken and he fell
forward upon the snow. Rising with great effort, being
able to use only one leg, he endeavored to press forward,
and refused to be carried from the field until the main body
came up. Dr. Senter, who accompanied the expedition as

1. "Arnold, leading the forlorn hope, advanced perhaps one hundred yards
before the main hody."— Henry's Journal, p. 107.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 83

surgeon, says: " Daylight had scarcely made its appear-
ance ere Colonel Arnold Avas brought in, supported by two
soldiers, wounded in the leg by a piece of a musket ball." '
"Kow," says Henry, " we saw Colonel Arnold returning,
wounded in the leg, supported by two gentlemen. Arnold
called to the troops in a cheering voice as we passed,
urging us forward."^ His steps from the barricade to the
hospital could be traced by the blood which flowed from his
wound.

Meanwhile, Morgan, Porterfield, Greene, and others, press-
ing up and forward, carried the battery and took the guard
prisoners; they pressed on to the second barricade, and the
most heroic efforts were made to carry it, also. The voice
of the gallant Morgan could be heard above the storm,
cheering on his riflemen to the assault; but, unsupjiorted by
others, they were too few to succeed.

Some retreated; more, including Morgan, Greene, Meigs,
Hendricks and others, of the gallant band who followed
Arnold through the wilderness, were compelled to sur-
render. While his detachment was still flghing, Arnold,
"not for a moment forgetful of his duty," writes from the
hospital to Wooster, in command at Montreal, giving an
account of the disaster as far as known, and asking for
reinforcements,' As reports of continued disasters came
into the hospital where he lay,

"We entreated Colonel Arnold," says Dr. Senter, "for liis own safety
to be carried back into the country, where they could not readily find him,
but to no purpose. He would neither be removed nor suffer a man from
the hospital to retreat. He ordered his pistols loaded, with a sword on
his bed, adding, he was determined to kill as many as possible, if they
came into the room. We were now all soldiers; even to the wounded in
their beds were ordered a gun by their side, that, if they did attack the

1. " Two-thirds of the ball entered the outer side of the leg, about midway, and
in an oblique course between the tibia and the fibula, and lodged in the muscle at
the rise of the tendon Achilles."— Dr. Isaac Senter's Journal, p. 34.

2. Henry's Journal, p. 109.

3. Lossing's Life of Schuyler. Vol. I, p. 502.

84 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

hospital, to make the most vigorous defense possible. Orders were also
sent out into the villages round the city, to the captains of the militia, to
immediately assemble to our assistance." '

Carleton, still distrusting the loyalty of tlie people, sent
out no troops in pursuit, and the American camp was un-
disturbed. On the sixth of January, Arnold, still in the
hospital, writes:'^

"The command of the army by the death of my truly great and good
friend, General Montgomery, devolves upon me, a task I find too heavy
under my present circumstances. I received a wound by a ball through
my left leg, at the time I had gained the first battery at the lower town,
which, by loss of blood, rendered me very weak. As soon as the main
body came up, I retired to the hospital, near a mile, on foot, being
obliged to draw one leg after me, and a great part of the way under the
continued fire of the enemy from the walls, at no greater distance than
fifty yards."

But, notwithstanding his wound, his eyes were fastened
longingly on the walls of Quebec, " and," says this indomita-
ble mon, " I have no thoughts of leaving this proud town un-
til I first enter it in triumph." * * "My wound has been
exceedingly painful, but is now easy"; and "the Providence
wdiich has carried me through so many dangers is still my
protection." * ^' "I am in the way of my duty and know
no fear."

Plad the ball that shattered his leg, pierced his heart, his
would have been associated with the names of Wolfe and
Montgomery, among the heroes who have died for their
country. But there was work for him yet to do in aiding
to achieve the independence of his country. Patriot blood
still coursed through his heart, and he was destined, on
still more sanguinary battle-fields, to shed that blood freely,
for his country ; and then attempt to betray it. His

1. Senter's Journal, p. 35.

2. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. IV, p. 5S3.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS THEASON-. 85

services were effective — Providence rendered liis treason
abortive.

As soon as the news of the attack npon Qiiehec reached
Congress, that body unanimously promoted him to the rank
of Brigadier General, as a reward for his gallantry in the
assault, as well as for his skill, address and energy in con-
ducting his army through the wilderness. On the thir-
teenth of February, he wrote to Congress, returning thanks
for his promotion, wdiich, says he, " I shall study to de-
serve." '

Schuyler, writing to "Washington, and referring to the
attack on Quebec, says, with manly feeling: " The gallant
Montgomery is no more! the brave Arnold is wounded,
and we have met with a severe check in an unsuccessful
attack upon Quebec." ^

Washington replies witli equal feeling: "I condole with
you on the fall of the brave and worthy Montgomery,"
* ^ "and I am much concerned for the intrepid and
enterprising Arnold."

Grateful for the kind consideration and good wishes
which Washington's letters had expressed, Arnokl replies !
" 1 am greatly obliged for your good wishes and the con-
cern you express for me. Sensible of the vast importance
of this country, you may be assured, my utmost exertions
shall not be wanting to effect your wishes in adding it to
the United Colonies. I am able to hobble about my room,
though my leg is a little contracted and weak; I hope soon
to be ready for action." ^ Some historians, unwilling to com-
mend and industriously seeking cause of complaint against
Arnold, have criticised his conduct at Quebec, suggesting
that if he had done this, or that he might have succeeded.
To such critics, let Washington's letters reply. This calm,

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. IV, p. 1017.

2. living's Wa.shington, p. 463.

3. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. IV, p. 1574.

8Q LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

just man, wlio understood all the facts and difficulties, had
no language but that of unqualified praise and approbation.
Had Arnold been killed instead of Montgomery, no words
would have been too strong to have expressed the commen-
dation of his country.

Sir Guy Carleton treated the prisoners he had captured
with great kindness. Montgomery had been a fellow soldier
with him in the British army, and both had been present at
the storming of Quebec in 1759. Learning by a communi-
cation from Arnold that Montgomery had upon his person,
when he fell, a watch which the widow of this gallant soldier
desired to obtain, he sent it to her through the American
commander.^ The gallantry of Montgomery and Arnold;
the death of one and the severe wound of the other, created
a profound sensation throughout the United Colonies. As
they had been joined as first and second in command, and
as each had fallen at the head of his troops, their names
were associated together, and both were for the time the
popular idols.^

1. "Montgomery had a watch on his person which Mrs. Montgomery was very-
desirous of obtaining. She made her wish known to Arnold, who sent word to
Carleton that any sum would be paid for it. Carleton immediately sent the watch
to Arnold, and refused to receive anything in return."— iossing' s Field Book of
RevoMion, Vol. I, p. 200.

2. As one evidence of this the Pennsylvania committee of safety in March,
1776, fitted out a sloop-of-war, and named her "The Montgomery," and a floating
battery which they named " The Arnold."—^™. Archives, ith S., Vol. V, p. 730.

Also Oration of Dr. Smith before Congress, as follows:

Extract from "An Oration in memory of General Montgomery, and of the Officers
and Soldiers who fell with him December 31it, 1775, before Quebeek ; drawn up
(and delivered February, 1776,) at tlie desire of the Honorable Continental Con-
gress, by William Smith, D. D., Provost of the College and Academy of Philadel-
phia."—ylm. Archives, ith S., Vol. IV, pp. 177'), 1776.

After speaking of Montgomery in the highest terms, the orator says :

" Leaving him, therefore, for a while— alas, too short a while— to enjoy the noblest
of all triumphs, the applause of his country, and the conscious testimony of his
own heart, let us inquire after another band of brave and hardy men, who are
stemming rapid rivers, ascending pathless mountains, traversing unpeopled des-
erts, and hastening through deep morasses and gloomy woods to meet him in
scenes of another issue.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 87

Arnold, though confined to the hospital with his wound,
and surrounded with every imaginable difficulty, had no
thought of giving up the enterprise. "With a force less by
half than the garrison of Quebec, he kept up the blockade.
General "Wooster, then in command, writes to Congress,
February fourteenth: "General Arnold has, in a most sur-
prising manner, kept up the blockade of Quebec, and that
with half the number of the enemy." And on the twenty-
hfth of February, he writes to Washington, saying: " Gen-
eral Arnold, to his great honor, kept up the blockade with

" Deserts in vain

Opposed their course, and deep rapacious floods.
And mountains in whose jaws destruction grinn'd,
Hunger and toil— Ar menian shores and storms !
Greece in their view, and glory yet untouched,
They held their fearless way— oh! strength of mind
Almost almighty in severe extv ernes I"— Thomson.

This praise was paid to ten thousand heroes, sustaining every danger, in a re-
treat to their own country, and is certainly due, so far as heroism is concerned, to
less tiian a tenth part of the number, matching through equal difficulties against a
capital of a hostile country.

Even the march of Hannibal over the AlpK, so much celebrated in history (allow-
ing for the disparity of numbers,) has nothing in it of superior merit to the march
of Arnold; and in many circumstances there is a most striking similitude. The
former had to encounter the rapid Rhone : the latter the more rapid Kennebeek,
through an immense length of country. The former, when he came to quit the
river, found his farther passage barred by mountains, rearing their snowy cre.sts to
the sky, rugged, wild, uncultivated. This was also the case with the latter, whose
troops, carrying their boats and baggage, were obliged to cross and recross the
same mountains sundry times. At the foot of the mountains the former was de-
.';erted by three thousand of his army, desponding at the length of the way, and
terrified at the hideous view of those stupendous heights, which they considered as
Impassable. In like circumstances, about a third part of the army of the latter,
deserted, shall I say, or use the more courteous language, "returned home." The
march of the former was about twelve hundred miles in five months. The Vir-
ginia and Pennsylvania rifle companies belonging to the latter, including their
first march from the'r own habitations to Cambridge, and thence to Quebec,
marched near the same distance in about three months.

Besides these rifle companies, Arnold's corps consisted of about five hundred
New England troops, who sustained all the fatigues of the worst part of the march
by land and water, with the utmost fortitude. And Gen. Montgomery, ever
ready to do justice to merit, having joined them before Qiiebeck, gives tlieir com-
mander and them this character : "They are an exceedingly fine body of men ;
inured to fatigue, with a style of discipline among them much superior to what I
have been used to see this campaign. He, himself, is active, intelligent and enter-
prising."

88

LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD.

sucli a handful of men that the story when told hereafter
will scarcely be believed." '

"Washington, writing to Congress, says: "It (the block-
ade) exhibits fresh proofs of Arnold's ability and persever-
ance in the midst of difficulties." ^

On the first of April, Wooster arrived from Montreal
M'ith reinforcements, and assumed the command. The day
after, Arnold, only partially recovered from his wound, re-
ceived a serious injury while visiting the outposts, by the
fall of his horse. When somewhat recovered, being in
favor of more active measures than General "Wooster
adopted, and impatient of inaction, he asked and obtained
leave to report at Montreal, where, upon his arrival, he
took command. In a letter to General Schujder, dated
April 20th, he explains his reasons for going to Montreal,
and adds, " had I been able to take any active part, I should
by no means have left camp, but as General Wooster did
not think proper to consult me, I am convinced I sliall be
more useful here than in camp, and he verj' readily granted
me leave of absence."^ With the departure of Arnold
from the camp, all vigorous efforts in the field to capture
Quebec and unite the Canadas with the United Colonies
terminated. Had the efforts of Washington, Schuyler,
Montgomery, and Arnold been successful — had the Can-
adas joined the American Union — what changes in history
would have ensued! Possibly the power of the free States
thus strengthened might have prevented the extension of
slavery, and slavery itself might possibly have been abol-
ished without the great civil war.

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol, IV, p. 999 ; ditto, p. 1193.

2. Sparks" Writings of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 276.

3. " Arnold was discontented at not being permitted to continue his authority at
a season when he might have .struck a daring and effectual hlow."— Introduction to
Journal of Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, p. 15.

CHAPTER V.

RETREAT FROM CANADA.

" I am content to be the last man who quits this country, and fall so that my coun-
try may T\se."—Arnjld to Sullivan.

The Affair at the Cedars— Visit of Franklin, Chase and Carroll to
Arnold's Quarters— The Seizure of Goods in Montreal— Trial of Colonel
Hazen by Court-Maetial— Controversy Between Arnold and the Court
—Charges Against Arnold by Lieut. Col. John Brown— Action thereon by
AVoosTER, Schuyler and Gates— Charges Declared by Congress to be Cruel
and Groundless— Arnold's Retreat from Canada.

John Marshall, Chief Justice of the United States, in liis
life of Washington, speaking of the expedition against
Quebec, and summing up the case with judicial calmness
and accuracy, says:

" It was a bold, and at one time promised to be a successful, effort to
annex this extensive province to the United Colonies. The disposition
of the Canadians favored the measure, and had Quebec fallen, there is
reason to believe the colony would have entered cordially into the Union.
Had Arnold been able to reach Quebec a few days sooner, or to cross the
St. Lawrence on his first arrival, or had the gallant Montgomery not
fallen in the assault on the thirty first of December, it is probable the
the expedition would have been crov/ned with complete success. But the
radical causes of the failure were the lateness of the season when the
troops were assembled, a deficit in the preparation, and still more, the
shortness of the term for which the men were enlisted." ^

The means placed at the command of the officers never
approached tlie estimates which they made as adequate to
accomplish the result. Arnold, in one of his letters, says :

1. MarshaU's Life of Washington, Vol. I, p. G6.

(89)

90 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

" We labor under almost as many difficulties as the Israel-
ites did of old — obliged to make brick without straw." Yet
lie was the last to abandon the hope of success.

In April, 1776, the commissioners appointed bv Congress
to visit Canada, consisting of Benjamin Franklin, Samuel
Chase, and Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, arrived at the
camj) of General Arnold, at Montreal. The Rev. John
Carroll, brother of Charles, and the first lioman Catholic
Arch-Bishop of the United States, accompanied the party,
with the hope of enlisting the Homan Catholic clergy in
Canada on the side of the United Colonies.' Carroll, in
his Journal, says : " We were received by General Arnold
in the most polite and friendly manner, conducted to head-
quarters, where a genteel company of ladies and gentlemen
had assembled to welcome our arrival." A salute by the
cannon of the citadel was fired. "We supped at the Gen-
eral's." '

Benjamin Franklin, then seventy years of age, honored
and venerated as a sage and patriot on both sides of the
Atlantic, Chase, and Carroll, of Carrolton, at supper, the
guests of Benedict Arnold, grace being said by him who
was the first Roman Catholic Arch-Bishop of the United
States, would constitute a. group for the artist. Modern
reporting had not then been invented, otherwise we might
have had the discussion of the Canadian campaign by these
distinguished men.

In the Spring of 1776, a party of about four hundred
Americans, led by Colonel Bedell, under the orders of
Arnold, were holding a fortified position on the north bank
of the St. Lawrence, some thirty-six miles above Montreal,
on a point called " The Cedars." In May, Captain Foster,
of the British army, came down the river from a place near

1. Journal of Charles Carroll, p. 30, Note.

2. Journal of Charles Carroll, p. 92, Maryland Ilis. Society Centennial Memorial.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 91

where Ogdensburgh now is, with about one hundred and
fifty English and Canadians and fiv^e Iiundred Indians, nnder
the celebrated Brant.

On hearing of their approacli, not waiting for their
arrival. Colonel Bedell fled to Montreal to obtain, as he
said, reinforcements.' He left the post nnder the com-
mand of Major Butterfield, who, without making any
efficient defense, was frightened by the threats of Indian
barbarities to surrender. Both Butterfield and Bedell were
afterwards tried by court-martial and cashiered for their
conduct in this affair.'' Arnold, as soon as he heard of the
approach of the enemy, sent Major Sherburne, with one
hundred and forty men, to strengthen the post, and pre-
pared to follow himself. Major Butterfield, making no
vigorous defense, surrendered the post the very day Sher-
burne would have arrived.

As the latter approached the Cedars, ignorant of the dis-
graceful surrender, he was caught in an ambuscade set for
him by the Indians, and although surprised, he and his men
fought gallantly until they were entirely surrounded and
overpowered by numbers. Fifty-two were killed, many after
they had ceased to resist. Arnold, indignant at Butter-
field's surrender, and at the cruelties and barbarities perpe-
trated upon the soldiers, and on the way to their relief, has-
tened rapidly towards the scene of action to revenge the
dead and re-take the post. Reaching St.Anne, at the west-
ern end of the island of Montreal, in advance of his boats, he
was in time to see the savages conveying their prisoners
from an island, almost three miles distant, to the main land.
But his boats, not having yet arrived, he was without the
means of instant pursuit. Dispatching messengers to hurry
up the boats, he sent a friendly chief of the Caughnawaga

1. See Letters of Messrs. Chase and Carroll, Am. Archives, 5tli S., Vol. VI, p. 58S.

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 747.

92 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

tribe to the hostile party, demanding the surrender of the
prisoners, and declaring if the Indians injured them, he
would destroy their villages, and pursue and put to the sword
any one who fell into his hands. While he was waiting for
his boats to come up, the Indian chief returned, bringing
the reply: that they would not give up their prisoners, and
that if Arnold attempted to follow and attack the British
and Indians, the Indians would immediately put the pris-
oners to death.

Without a moments' delay, Arnold sprang into the boats
which were now arriving, and proceeded as rapidly as pos-
sible to the island where the captives had been coniined.
All had been removed except five, and these had been robbed
of their clothing, and were left nearly nahed, and starving.
The others, except two who were too feeble to endure the
journey, had been taken to Quince CJiienze; the- two sick
ones had been cruelly murdered, Arnold pushed directly
for the enemy as rapidly as possible. As night approached,
his flotilla of boats neared the place where the enemy were
encamped, entrenched and fortified, and he was fired upon
from the shore. As it was now dark, and the position of
the enemy not known, he retired to St. Anne to wait for
daylight; a council was held, and it was determined to at-
tack in the morning as soon as it was light enough to see.
At two o'clock at night a fiag came from the British com-
mander, bringing a cartel signed by Major Sherburne, pro-
posing that as many British soldiers should be delivered up
as there were American prisoners; but that the Americans
should as soon as exchanged return to their homes, and
never again bear arms against the British; hostages of
American officers were to be sent to Quebec, and held
until the agreement was fully executed; and Arnold was
distinctly told that if he refused to ratify this agreement,
the savages would put all the prisoners to death, and Captain

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 93

Foster declared his inability to prevent tlie execution of this
terrible threat. It was a fearful dilemma. Arnold was ex-
tremely av^erse from enterinoj into this agreement, and he had
a force adequate to punish the barbarities already perpetrated ;
but he could not permit tJie prisoners to be sacrificed, and
he finally, to save their lives, signed the agreement, after it
had been so modified that the exchange of prisoners should
be on equal terms. "I dispatched Lieutenant Parker,"
says Arnold, " to acquaint Captain Foster that I would
enter into articles to exchange prisoners on equal terms —
which if he refused, my determination was to attack him
immediately; and if our prisoners were murdered, to sac-
rifice every soul which fell into our hands." ^ Arnold says,
in his letter to the committee of Congress: "Words can-
not express my feelings, * * t jrn by conflicting passions
of revenge and humanity; a sufiicient force to take ample
revenge, raging for action, urged me on, on one hand; and
humanity for five hundred unhappy wretches, who were on
the point of being sacrificed if our vengeance was not
delayed, plead strongly on the other." ^

Foster yielded to the modification, and sent the agree-
ment back signed; but Congress, regarding an agreement
thus extorted by a threat of murdering prisoners of war as
not binding, refused to sanction it; while Washington was
inclined, though reluctantly, to execute it, because it had
been entered into in due form. It was the subject of some
correspondence between Washington and the British oflacers,
but the latter finally dropt the subject. Arnold returned to
Montreal, and it soon became quite clear that the forces of
the colonies would soon be compelled to retire from Canada.
The letters of the commissioners who had been sent by con-
gress to that province, give a graphic picture of the condi-
tion of the army. Short enlistments, want of supplies,

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, pp. 595-6.

2. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 590.

94 LIFE OF EEIVEDICT AENOLD.

nnciirrent paper money, and the terrible ravages of disease,
especially of small pox, had finally broken the spirit of
the brave men who had fought so desperately at Quebec.
The commissioners say:

"The army is in a distressed condition, and is in want of the most
necessary articles — meat, bread, tents, shoes, stockings, shirts, etc.
They say they were obliged to seize by force flour to supply the garrison
with bread. But inen with arms in their hands, will not starve when
provisions can be obtained by force. ^ Soldiers without pay, without dis-
cipline, living from hand to mouth, grumbling for their pay; and when
they get it, it will not buy the necessaries of life. Your military chest
contains eleven thousand pap3r dollars, and you are indebted to your
soldiers treble that sum, and to the inhabitants about fifteen thou-
sand."

Meanwhile, England had been sending troops from Ire-
land, England and Germany, amounting to some thirteen
thousand men; gathering strength with the purpose not
only to drive the Americans out of Canada, but to follow
by a powerful invasion of New York. The American
troops under Thomas, who had succeeded Wooster in com-
mand, were driven from near Quebec, and pursued up the
St. Lawrence to the Sorel, M-here Sullivan succeeded to the
command.

On the thirteenth of June, Arnold wrote to General Sul-
livan, saying:

"The junction of the Canadas with the colonies is now at an end.
Let us quit them and secure our own country before it is too late. There
will be more honor in making a safe retreat than in hazarding a battle
against such superiority; and which will be attended with the loss of men,
artillery, etc., and the only pass to our country. * * * These argu-
ments are not urged by fear for my personal safety; I am content to be the
last man who quits this country, and fall, so that my country may rise.
But let us not fall altogether." ^

Sullivan retreated, Arnold still holding on to Montreal,
that being the last place given up, and then he made a mas-

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, pp. •5S8-:00.'

2. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 1104.

HIS PATRIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 95

terly retreat to St. Johns. After seeing all the men em-
bark, and the last boat leave the shore, he, with a single at-
tendant, mounted his horse and rode back to reconnoitre
tlic British army, advancing nnder Burgoyne. Coming in
sight of the advancing columns, he satisfied himself of their
numbers and character, then he wheeled his horse just in
time to escape, and galloping rapidly back to the shore of
the lake, stripping his horse of saddle and bridle, the ani-
mal was shot to prevent his falling into tlie hands of the
enemy. With his own hands he pushed his boat from the
shore, and leaping into it he was the last man to leave
Canada. Darkness was now approaching, and it is not dif-
ficult to imagine the sad review of the incidents of the cam-
paign which must have crowded his memory, as his boat
was urged on in pursuit of his retreating soldiers. He
overtook them during the night at Isle-aux-N"oix.

General Sullivan, writing to "Washington June 19th, says:
" General Arnold pnlled up the bridges on the road from
Montreal, from which place he made a very prudent and
judicious retreat with the enemy close at his heels.'" He
hastened on and proceeded to confer with General Schuyler,
with whom all tlirough the campaign he had kept up a con-
stant and most friendly correspondence. Schuyler had been
familiar with all his difficulties, and that officer's sympathy
with his dangers had been often and most kindly expressed.
Here he also met General Gates, with whom he then had
the most friendly relations, as a^jpears from the following,
as well as many other letters which passed between them:

"Chamblay, May 31st, 1776.
" My dear General: I am a thousand times obliged to you for your
kind letter of the 3d of April, of which I have a most grateful sense. 1
shall be ever happy in your friendship and society; and hope, with you,
that our next winter- quarters will be more agreeable, though T must
doubt it, if affairs go as ill with you as here. Neglected by Congress

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 1104.

96 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

below; pinched witli every want here; distressed with the small-pox;
want of Generals and discipline in our Army — which may rather be called
a great rabble— our late unhappy retreat from Quebeck, and loss of the
Cedars; our credit and reputation lost, and great part of the country;
and a powerful foreign enemy advancing upon us; are so many difficul-
ties we cannot surmount them. My whole thoughts are now bent on
making a safe retreat out of this country; however, I hope we shall not
be obliged to leave it until we have had one bout more for the honour of
America. I think we can make a stand at Isle-aux-Noix, and keep the
Lake this summer from an invasion that way. We have little to fear;
but I am heartily chagrined to think we have lost in one month all the
immortal Montgomery was a whole campaign in gaining, together with
our credit, and many men and an amazing sum of money. The commis-
sioners this day leave us, as our good fortune has long since ; but as Miss,
like most other Misses, is fickle, and often changes, I still hope for her
favors again; and that we shall have the pleasure of dying or living
happy together.

In every vicissitude of fortune, believe me, with great esteem and
friendship, my dear General, your obedient and humble servant,

" Benedict Arnold.

" To General Gates.

"P. S. For particulars respecting us I beg leave to refer you to the
honourable Commissioners.

"B. A."i

General Gates had lately been sent by Congress to take
command of the army in Northern ISTew York, and Schuyler,
Gates and Arnold now proceeded to Crown Point, to whicli
place Sullivan had retreated. On consultation it was de-
cided to abandon Crown Point and retreat to Ticonderoga,
an act which was at first severely condemned, but in the
end approved by all.

While here Arnold was 'involved in difficulties, o-rowino-
out of the seizure of certain goods from the merchants of
Montreal, for the use of the army, which have been made
the basis of attacks upon his integrity. The facts are here
set forth at some length, so that a just conclusion may be
arrived at in regard to tlie charges growing out of the trans-
action.

1. Am. Archives, 4tli S., Vol. VI, p. G19.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 97

The condition of affairs at the time these goods were tak-
en aj^pears from a letter written by Arnold to the Commit-
tee of Congress, dated June second, in which he says : "I
am making every possible preparation to secure our retreat.
I have secured six tons of lead, ball, shot and merchandize.
The inhabitants I have not as yet taken hold of; I intend
to begin to-morrow. Everything is in the greatest confu-
sion. ISiot one contractor, commissary or quarter-master. I
am obliged to do the duty of all." '

It is not surprising that confusion and irregularity should
exist. On the sixth of June he writes to Schuyler: "I
have received your instructions respecting the tories and
their effects; most of the former had absconded — great part
of the latter is secured. I have sent to St. Johns a quanti-
ty of goods for use of the army, some bought, some seized."^

The goods were seized in accordance wath orders for the
use of the army; their seizure is referred, to in the above
letter, and the circumstances attending such seizure were
fully and promptly reported by Arnold to Generals Schuy-
ler and Sullivan. They were sent to Chamblay under the
care of Major Scott, who, on his arrival there, was ordered to
repair to Sorel, the guard had been ordered to return, and the
goods were to be delivered to Colonel Hazen to be stored.
Hazen refused, to receive or care for them, and in conse-
quence the boxes in which they were stored were broken
open, and the goods plundered. What were left were sent
to St. Johns, and delivered to one McCarthy, who received
what was left of them, by orders of General Sullivan.
Arnold's own account of the transaction is given in his re-
ports to Generals Schuyler and Sullivan."

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1G5.

2. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 925,

3. "St. Johns, June 13th, 1776.

" Dear General:— I wrote you a few days since from Montreal that I had seized
a parcel of goods for the use of the army by particular orders from the Commis-
7

98

LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

Charges were made by General Arnold against Colonel
Hazen for Lis refusal to receive and take care of these
goods. A court-martial was ordered for his trial. The

sioners of Congress. Our hurry and confusion was so great when the goods were
received, it was impossible to take a particular account of them ; every man's
name was marked on his particular package, with intention to take particular
account of them at Chambly or St. Johns, where the goods were ordered to be stored.
Major Scot' was sent with them, with orders to have them stored under the care of
Colonel Hazen, who commanded at Chambly. On his arrival there he received
orders from General Su!l,va7i to repair to Sorel. Col. Hazen refused taking the goods
into store, or taking charge of them. They were heaped in piles on the bank of
the river. Colonel Hazen finally received them, and placed seniinels over them.
They were, however, neglected in such a manner that great part were stolen or
plundered. On receiving this intelligence, I repaired t) Chambly. The goods were
sent to St. Johns by Col. Hazen, in different parcels, all under the care of a French
corporal; and through them I found the goods broken open, plundered and mixed
together in the greatest confusion, and great part missing. Mr. McCarthy has Gen-
eral Sullivan's orders, and is now receiving the goods. I have sent over to Ticon-
deroga a quantity of nails and goods, the property of Thomas Walker, Esq.. and
ordered them to be stored there, and delivered to his order."— .4?n. Archives, Uh S.,
Vol. VI, p. 1088.

See also report to Gen Sullivan, as follows :

" * * The junction of the Canadians with the Colonies— an object which brought
us into this country— is now at an end. Let us quit them, and secure our own
country before it is too late.

" 1 here will be more honor in making asafe retreat than hazarding a battle agai nst
such superiority, which will doubtless be attended with the loss of men, artillery,
etc., and the only pass to our country.

'• These arguments are not urged by fear for my personal safety ; I am content to
be the last man who quits this country, and fall, so that my country rise. But let
us not all fall altogether.

" The goods I seized in Montreal & sent to Chambly, under care of Major Sco't,
have been broken open, plundered and huddled together in the greatest confusion.
They were taken in such a hurry it was impossible to take particular account of
them. Each man's name was marked on his packages.

" When Major Scott arrived at Chambly he received your positive orders to repair
to Sorel; the guard was ordered to return, and the goods to be delivered to Colonel
Hazen to be stored. He refused receiving or taking any care of them ; by which
means, and Major Scott's being ordered away, the goods have been opened and
plundered, I believe, to a large amount. It is impossible for me to distinguish
each man's goods, or even fettle with the proprietors. The goods are delivered to
Mr. McC arthy. This is net the first or last order Colonel Hazen has disobeyed. I
think him a man of too much consequence for the post he is in. I have given him
orders to send directly to St. Johns all the heavy cannon, shot, powder and bat-
teaux, valuable stores, and the sick.

" I go to Montreal immediately, and beg to have your orders as soon as possible for
my future conduct.

"I am, with respect and esteem, dear General, yourmost obedient, humble servant,

"B. Arnold."
—Am. Archives, Uh S., Vol. VI, p. 1105.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 99

important and only witness beside himself to sustain the
cliarges was Major Scott, who was oiFered by General Ar-
nold, and the court refused to receive his testimony. This
decision was jjalpably erroneous, and Arnold was naturally
indignant, and thereupon filed his protest, saying: "As the
court have refused accepting my principal evidence, Major
Scott, * * I do solemnly protest against their proceed-
ings and refr.sal as unprecedented, and I think unjust." ^

Thereupon the court made an entry on their records in
these words :

"General Arnold having offered a protest to the court, for the entry of
it, in their minutes, which appears to them illegal, illiberal and ungen-
tlemanlike ; for these reason? they have objected to its entry and refuse
the same." The court likewise directed the President to demand satis-
faction of the General, which he did in the following words:
"Sir:

" As you have evidently called in question not only the honor, but the
justice of this court, by the illiberal protest you exhibited, the court
have directed me — and as President of this court I deem it my duty — to
inform you that you have drawn upon yourself their just resentment, and
that nothing but an open acknowledgment of your error will be consid-
ered as satisfactory. ' ' "^

To which Arnold haughtily replied: " The very extraordinary vote of
the court, and directions given to the President, and his still more extra-
ordinary demand, are in my opinion ungenteel and indecent reflections
on a superior officer; which the nature and words of my protest will by
no means justify; nor was it designed as you have construed it. I am
not very conversant with courts-martial, but this I may venture to say:
they are composed of men not infallible; even you may have erred. Con-.
gress will judge between us; to whom 1 will desire the General to trans-
mit the proceeding? of this coui't. This I can assure you, I shall ever in
public or private, be ready to support the character of a man of honor;
and as your very nice and delicate honor in your apprehension is injured,
you may depend as soon as this disagreeable service is at end (which God
grant may soon be the case,) I will by no means withhold from any gen-
tleman of the court, the satisfaction his nice sense of honor may require.
Your demand I shall not comply with." *

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1272.

2. Am. Archives, 5tli S., Vol. I, p. 1273.

3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1273.

100 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

The court sent a letter to General Gates, giving their
reasons for refusing to hear the evidence of Major Scott,
every one of which went to affect his credibility and not
his competency as a witness. The case is this : — Charges
were presented by General Arnold against Colonel Hazen,
and the General offered as the principal witness to sustain
the charges, Major Scott ; the court refused to hear the ev-
idence; Arnold protests, and says he thinks the refusal "un-
precedented and unjust."

This language can hardly be considered as disrespectful,
or going beyond an earnest protest: certainly the court go
much farther when they declare the protest of their supe-
rior officer, "illegal, illiberal and ungentlemanlike"; but
when the court goes fartlier still, and directs its president
"to demand satisfaction," and dictate an "open acknowl-
edgement of error," as the only satisfaction the court will
accept, they certainly exhibit a strange spectacle of judi-
cial dignity. The answer of Arnold, except the last part,
is dignified and certainly not uncourteous. He disclaims
the construction they put upon the words of his protest —
reminds them that courts are composed of men who are
not infallible, and then says: " Congress, to whom the pro-
ceedings will be transmitted, will judge between us." Had
he stopped there no exception could liave been taken to his
reply; but the extraordinary resolution, that the President
"should demand satisfaction of the General," were words to
which Arnold was ever too ready to respond : and his response
that when the service was over he would by no means with-
hold any "satisfaction any gentleman of the court might re-
quire," was undignified and unworthy of his position.

The court sent the papers to General Gates, demanding
the arrest of Arnold. Thereupon Gates issued an order
dissolving the court, and transmitted all the papers to Con-
gress, with the following comment:

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 101

"The warmth of General Arnold's temper miglit possi-
bly lead him a little farther than is marked by the precise
line of decorum to be observed before and towards a court-
martial. Seeing and knowing all the circumstances^ I am
convinced, if there was fault on one side, there was too
much acrimony on the other. I was obliged to act dictato-
rially, and dissolve the court-martial the instant they de-
manded General Arnold to be put under arrest. The
United States must not be deprived of that excellent offi-
cer's services at this important moment."' There is no evi-
dence in the case reflecting upon the integrity of General
Arnold. Mr. Sparks, perhaps the most accurate of Amer-
ican annalists, and one who tries to do justice to Arnold,
but whose just prejudice against him for his treason ren-
dered it difficult, and sometimes impossible, says the " let-
ters of Arnold alone sufficiently prove that he was not prac-
ticing any secret manoeuvre in the removal of the goods, or
for retaining them in his possession." ^

It will be observed that General Arnold reports that the
goods were seized by order of the commissioners. In this
connection, I quote a paragraph from a letter from him to
Chase, one of the commissioners, dated the 15tli of May,
in which he says, " I believe I know your sentiments in re-
gard to provisions, and I shall not let the army suffer.'
* * -x- -K- Most of our men returned from below naked.
"Will it not be advisable to seize on all such goods in Mon-
treal as we are in absolute necessity for, and pay them the
value? This I submit to your better judgment." *

Carroll, of Carrollton, was one of the commissioners, by
•whose orders Arnold alleges the goods were seized. He
was one of the Board of "War, which investigated these
charges, as hereafter particularly detailed.

1. Am. Archives. .5th S., Vol. I, p. 1268.

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, 69.

:i. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 581.
4. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 581.

102 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

If the allegation of General Arnold, that the goods were
seized by order of the commissioners was untrue, Carroll
must have known it. When, therefore, he who had been
in Canada and knew all the facts, reports that these charges
were "cruel and groundless," I think we may safelj^ concur
in his conclusion.'

This affair created a prejudice in the minds of some
members of Congress, and probably contributed to bring
about the acts of injustice towards Arnold, which will be
hereafter detailed.

It was also the misfortune or the fault of Arnold, that
he had a dijfficulty with Lieutenant-Colonel John Brown.
Their difference seems to have originated at the capture of
Ticonderoga, in 1775, when Brown was a subordinate of
Colonel Easton, and opposed Arnold in his claims to com-
mand. Brown went to Quebec with the troops under
Montgomery, and after the death of that officer, Arnold
wrote a letter to Congress, charging Brown with having
been "publicly impeached with plundering the officers'
baggage taken at Sorel," * * * and adding, " 1 think
it my duty to say the above charge is the topic of public
conversation at Montreal," and he protested against Brown's
promotion until these matters were cleared up; and with
his usual frankness, he adds: " The contents of the enclosed
letter I do not wish kept from the gentleman mentioned
therein; the public interest is my chief motive in writing.
I should despise myself were I capable of asserting a thing
to the prejudice of a gentleman without sufficient reasons
to make it public." * Brown declared, in a letter dated June
26, 1776, addressed to Congress, that the charge was false,
scandalous and malicious, and on first hearing of the charge
at Quebec, he " challenged General Arnold to prove it,"
and demanded a court of inquiry, which was refused.^

1. Journal of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 193.

2. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. I, pp. 12-20.

3. Am. Archives, 4lh S., Vol. I, pp. 12-20.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 103

He also alleges that on the arrival of General Wooster
at Quebec, he again demanded a court of inquiry, " who
likewise refused." He made the same demand "of the
committee sent to Canada from Congress, who refused."
He made, he says, the same demand of General Schuyler,
at Fort George, " but the General thought it inexpedient." ^
One can scarcely help concluding that the action taken by
Generals Wooster and Schuyler, and the committee of Con-
gress, who were on the ground, must have been just; and
that there were circumstances existing why Lieutenant
Colonel Brow^n's demand should not be granted. Schuyler
was eminently a just man, and Wooster was not particu-
larly friendly to Arnold, and the committee of Congress,
consisting of Franklin, Chase and Carroll, would unques-
tionably have interfered to correct a wrong, if satisfied of
its existence.

On the first of December, 1776, Colonel Brown 'sent a
paper to General Gates, presenting thirteen charges against
General Arnold, expressed in very intemperate language,
and asking that he be ordered " in arrest for the ioUowing
crimes;"* and then enumei-ated thirteen specifications of
oftenses, running back to the aifair at Ticonderoga, in 1775,
and following him to Cambridge, Quebec, and through
Canada. The language is violent, and discloses " a warmth
wdiich," in the words of Mr. Sparks, " indicates too great a
degree of excited feeling." *

Gates treated Brown with coolness, and in reply to re-
peated applications, which he characterized as " importu-
nate," he at length said : " I shall lay your paper before
Congress, who will, when they think proper, give such or-
ders as they think necessary thereupon."

Schuyler, writing to Gates, says : " If courts-martial

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. I, p. 1220.

■2. f^ee payjer in full. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1159.

3. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 71.

104 • LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

would severely punish officers for illiberal abuse of tlieir
superior officers, such violent and ill-founded complaints as
you mention to be made by Lieutenant Colonel Brown
against General Arnold, would soon cease. The latter gen-
tleman will always be the subject of complaint, because liis
impartiality and candor will not suffer him to see impro-
j)riety of behavior with impunity." *

The reply of Arnold and the action of Congress will be
more fully set forth liereafter. Suffice it to say now, tliat
tlie papers were referred to the Board of War, who report-
ed that they were entirely satisfied as to the character and
conduct of General Arnold, which, in the language of the
Board, had been " so cruelly and groundlessly aspersed."
The report was confirmed by Congress."

The difficulties and embarrassments of the officers of the
army in the expedition to Canada, and other military move-
ments,' many of them growing out of violent passions and
discordant interests, induced John Adams to say, " It re-
quires more serenity of temper, a deeper understanding,
and more courage than fell to the lot of Marlborough to
ride in this whirlwind."^

If Arnold was sometimes unjust, if he did not at all
times maintain, amidst all these trials and vexations, the
•' serenity of temper " which Adams speaks of, it would
have been generously excused and forgiven and long ago
forgotten, but for his subsequent treason.

Col. Brown met an honorable death in the service of his
countr3\ Had such been the fate of Arnold, the contro-
versy between these officers would never have been recalled.
It is now difficult, if not impossible, to determine the exact
merits of the quarrel. But for Arnold's treason, the action
of Wooster, the judgment of Schuyler and Gates, and the
action of Congress, would have been accepted.

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 250.

2. Spark's Life of Arnold, page 94. See, also, Journals of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 199.

3. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. V, p. 1112.

CHAPTEE VI.

NAVAL BATTLE OF VALCOUR ISLAND.

" The conduct of Arnold in these naval affair^ gained him new laurels. He was
extolled for the judgment with which he chose his position, and brought his ves-
sels into action; for his masterly retreat; for the self sacrificing character with
which he exposed h.msi'lf to the overwhelming force of the enemy in covering
the retreat of part of his fioiiWa,."— Washington Lving.

The British, Greatly Superior in Numbers and in Guns, Attack the American
Fleet under Arnold on Lake Champlain— The Fight Continues from Noon
UNTIL Night, when the British Retire— The Americans Escape through the
British Line— Are Overtaken, and Arnold, in the Congress, Fights and
Retards the Enemy until his other Vessels Escape— He runs the Congress
Ashore, Burns heb, and with his Men, Reaches Ticonderoga.

Lake Champlain, named after one of the early French
explorers, was very early known in English and French colo-
nial history. It is a narrow sheet of blue water, lying
between Yei-mont and IS'ew York, and in many parts pre-
senting a landscape of exceeding beauty. From it may be
seen, in the distance, the varied outlines of the Green Moun-
tains on the east, and the Adirondacks on the west. This
lake, with its still more beautiful adjunct, Lake George, the
"Horicon" of the graphic pen of Cooper; the St. Sacra-
mento of the French; and connected by water communica-
tion with the St. Lawrence, formed the natural route and
easy highway from Canada to the interior of New York.

As the Americans were compelled to retreat from Caua-
(105)

106 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

da, as stated in the preceding chapter, the British close-
ly followed, occupying St. Johns. Sir Guy Carleton early
saw the importance of obtaining naval supremacy on these
waters, that he might bring the English troops to Ticonde-
roga, within convenient distance of Albany, looking to a
junction ultimately with the King's force from the city of
New York, and thereby separating and isolating New Eng-
land from the other states. These Lakes and their connec-
tions foi-med the most practical route by w^hich the United
States could be invaded from Canada; and both parties, in
the summer of 1776, prepared vigorously to contest their
control.

Carleton, the British leader, had many advantages over
Gates and Arnold in the race of preparation. First, and
of immense importance, he could draw upon the rich treas-
ury of Great Britain. He had contractors and ship-build-
ers from England, and naval stores in abundance from the
fleet in the St, Lawrence and from Quebec. The English
admiralty contributed liberally in material for ship-buikling,
and in naval equipments. It sent out three vessels of war
fully prepared for service; more than two hundred flat-
bottomed boats were built at Montreal and taken to St.
Johns ; and the larger vessels, unable to ascend the rapids,
were taken to pieces and reconstructed at the last mentioned
place. One of these, the Inflexible, was a three masted
ship, carrying twenty twelve-pound guns, and ten smaller
guns. About seven hundred experienced sailors and the
very best of young naval officers, were selected from the
vessels of war and transports to man and command the
lake fleet.

The Americans had to cut from the forest every stick of
timber for the additions to their small fleet. All their
naval stores and material had to be brought from tide
water and the Atlantic, over roads nearly impassable. They

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 107

lacked money, skilled ship-builders, naval stores — every-
thing; still they were zealous, active, hopeful, and energetic,
(reneral Arnold, having some knowledge of ships, ship-
building and navigation, was selected to superintend the
construction of the fleet, and to command it when ready for
service.

On the twenty-ninth of July, Gates wrote to the Presi-
dent of Congress, saying :

"General Arnold (who is perfectly skilled in naval affairs,) has most
nobly undertaken to command our fleet on the lake. With infinite satis-
faction I have committed the whole of that department to his care, con-
vinced that he will thereby add to the brilliant reputation he has so de-
servedly acquired.^ * * * General Arnold, ever active and anxious
to serve his country, is just returned from Skenesborough, where he has
been to give life and spirit to our dock -yard."

General Schuyler, writing to Gates, August third, says:
" I am extremely happy that General Arnold has under-
taken to command the fleet. It has relieved me from very
great anxiety, under which I labored on that account." '^
Washington, looking anxiously to the naval control of
Lake Cham plain, on the fourteenth of August, and before
he had learned that Arnold had been assigned to this duty,
writes to Gates: "I trust neither courage nor activity will
be wanting in those to whom the business (the command
of the fleet) is committed. If assigned to General Arnold,
none will doubt of his exertions."^ Gates, writing to
Washington, July 29th, says: "Our little fleet already
built is equipping under the direction of General Arnold,
with all the industry which his activity and good example
can inspire." *

It thus appears that such was Washington's appre-
ciation of Arnold's qualities, ignorant that he had been

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 649.

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 474.

3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 952.

4. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. 4, p. 12.

108 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

alreadj appointed to this service, lie suggests it to Gates,
and that both Schuyler and Gates felt " infinite satisfac-
tion " and relief from " very great anxiety " when he under-
took the command. These distinguished oflicers did not
overrate his zeal, activity and energy. He did, indeed,
give "life and activity to the dock-yards," and to every
branch of the business of preparation.

He was constantly going to and fro, urging on the work,
making requisition for mechanics, for seamen, for naval
stores, for ordnance, for everything necessary to build,
equip, arm and man his little fleet. But no degree of
energy and activity could enable him to equal the arma-
ment which Sir Guy Carleton could bring from the St.
Lawrence to the theatre ot conflict. The resources of a
mighty empire with untold wealth; the naval stores of the
the then acknowledged " mistress of the seas," was behind
Carleton, and her rulers had the ability and disposition to
supply his every want. On the other hand, the feeble
Colonies, with their depreciated " continental " paper money,
with comparatively few seamen; all naval stores and needed
supplies and material difiicult to obtain on the sea coast,
and when obtained, to be transported far inland — these
were difliculties which no energy could overcome. On the
18th of September, Arnold, writing to Gates, says:

" I beg at least one hundred good seamen as soon as possible; we have a
wretched naotley crew in the fleet. The marines, the refuse of every
regiment, and the sailors, few of them ever wet with salt water — we are
upwards of one hundred men short. "^

On the 1st of October, Arnold, writing to Gates, com-
plains that the seamen have not been sent, and hopes he
shall be excused, "if with five hundred men, half naked,"
he should not be able to beat the enemy in their overwhelm-
ing numbers and complete preparation. He sends for shot,

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 481.'

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 109

musket balls, buckshot, grenades, clothing, and " one hun.
dred seamen, no land-lubbers." *

Gates replies on the third, and sends what Le can, but
sajs : " "What is not to be had, you and the princes of the
earth must go unprovided with." "

Gates, writing to Schuyler, speaking of the want of sup-
plies and the difficulty of obtaining them, says : " Succeed
or fail, we have done our best." ' Arnold, on the seventh
of October, complaining that those in authority on the At-
lantic had failed to send much needed supplies, says : "Is
it possible my countrymen can be callous to their wrongs,
or hesitate one moment between slavery or death? * *
That Being in whose hands are all human events, will
doubtless turn the scale in favor of the just and oppressed." *

Gates gave to Arnold careful instructions, and among
other directions, said: " Should the enemy come up the lake
and attempt to force their way through the pass you are
stationed to defend, in that case you will act with such
cool, determined valor as will give them reason to repent of
their temerity." '

Arnold kept Gates, who was at Ticonderoga, constantly
advised of his position and movements. On the 21st of
September, he announced his intention to go to Yalcour
Island, and says, " if you do not approve, will return." °

On the 28th, he writes to Gates from " Isle Valcour,"
giving a detailed statement of the position of the fleet.'

Ou the 12th of October, Gates says to Arnold: "I am
pleased to find you, and your armada, ride in Yalcour
Bay, in defiance of our foes in Canada." *

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 835,

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, pp. 859-8G0.

3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 481.

4. Am. Archives, 5tli S., Vol. 11, p. 933.

5. Am. Archives, 5th S„ Vol. II, p. 8'J6.

6. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 440.

7. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 501.

8. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. Iul7.

110 LIFE OF BEI^EDICT AENOLD.

The correspondence* at this time between Arnold and
Gates, and Arnold and Schuyler, had ceased to be formal.
Engaged in a common cause, and struggling with difficul-
ties which taxed their energies and patience to the utmost,
and sharing common responsibilities, they had been drawn
close to each other, and during all the campaign of 1776,
their correspondence is frank, friendly, cordial, and some-
times playful. Gates writes to Arnold : " That the bless-
ing of the Almighty may prosper all your undertakings is
the sincere prayer of, dear General, your affectionate, hum-
ble servant." '

Arnold, wi'iting to Gates for a surgeon for his fleet, says:
" The surgeon's mate of Colonel St. Clair's regiment, has a
good box of medicines, and will incline to go with the fleet.
I wish he could be sent here, or some one who will answer
to kill a man secundum artem,y *

He closes with expressing his compliments to the gentle-
men of the family of Gates, and his " affection " for that
officer. These kind relations, unfortunately, were after-
wards broken by Arnold's adherence to Schuyler, and the
jealousy of Gates.

"While the fleet was being exercised, and the raw mate-
rial out of which Arnold was trying to make sailors and
gunners were being trained, an instance of gross disobedi-
ence of orders on the part of one of his subordinates oc-
curred, which in its treatment illustrates the character of
Arnold and Gates. A certain commander, Wyncoop, flatly
refused to obey the orders of Arnold. Arnold reported the
facts to Gates, who immediately sent back a peremptor}^
order that Wyncoop should be placed in arrest and sent a
prisoner to Ticonderoga. Arnold, in complying with the
order, writes a note to Gates, and after saying this was the

1. Am. Archives. 5th S., Vol. II, p. 187.

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 988.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. Ill

only case of insubordination, adds: " Wyncoop is sorry for
his disobedience, * ^ * and if it could be done with pro-
priety, I wish he may be permitted to return home without
being cashiered." ' His kind request was granted.

The time at which the desperate struggle for supremacy
between the fleet of Arnold and that of Sir Guy Carleton
approached, Schuyler, Gates, "Washington — all were con-
scious of the great superiority of the British. All were
anxious, but each indulged hope, arising mainly from the
desperate valor of Arnold. Knowing his inferiority in
ships, in weight of metal, and in men, Arnold avoided
the possibility of an encounter on the open lake, where
he might have been flanked or surrounded by anchor-
ing his fleet in a line between Yalcour Island and the west-
ern shore. In this position, the rear being unapproachable,
and his line extending across the channel, he could be at-
tacked in front only. This was the first time an American
fought a British fleet.

There have been three notable battles between the United
States and th-e British on the lakes. The battle on Lake
Erie, known in American history as " Perry's Yictorj^," and
fought between Commodore Perry and the British Admiral
Barclay; the battle on Lake Champlain, in which the
Americans, under Macdonough, triumphed. In neither of
these was there any such great disparity of force, as between
that of Arnold and Sir Guy Carleton.

The British fleet consisted of the Inflexible, a large,
three-masted ship, two schooners, the Lady Mary, and the
Carleton, a floating battery called the Thunderer, twenty
gun-boats, besides long-boats and transports. "They had."
says Bancroft,'' " more than twice his (Arnold's) weight of

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1073.

2. Bancroft's History, Vol. IX, p. IS-l.

112 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

metal, and twice as many fighting vessels, and skilled sea
men and officers against landsmen." As lias been stated,
the British armed vessels were manned by about seven
hundred selected seamen and well-trained gunners. Cap-
tain Pringle, of the British navy, commanded, but Carleton
was himself on board, and among the many young officers
was Edward Pellew, afterwards distinguished as Admiral
Yiscount Exmouth. This fleet carried ninety-three guns,
some of them of heavy calibre. The fleet of Arnold con-
sisted of three schooners, two sloops, three galleys and
eight gondolas, carrying in all seventy guns.*

Early on the morning of the 11th of October, the guard
boats, stationed as sentinels, gave notice that the British
fleet was approaching, and it soon appeared ofl" Cumberland
Head, moving before a fair wind up the lake. Carleton
came on, conscious of his greatly superior strength, with
his battle-flags proudly flying, and when the fleet of Arnold
was discovered, moored in the passage behind Valcour
Island, Captain Pringle expressed his belief that they would
not encounter much resistance, and he anticipated an easy
victory; but Carleton, remembering Quebec, knew that
Arnold would fight to desperation. As the enemy ap-
proached, the Americans made ready to receive them. As
they advanced around the southern point of Yalcour Island
and attempted to beat up towards the channel in which the
Americans had formed their line of battle, the large ships
fell behind. Arnold, who rarely waited to be attacked, de-
termined to take advantage of the wind, and attack the
smaller vessels which were in advance, before the large ones
could beat up to their assistance. "With the schooner Royal
Savage, and three galleys, he went to meet the British,
and opened a rapid fire, but was gradually pushed back by
superior force, and attempting to return to the line, in

1, Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 75, and Lossing's Field Book of Revolution, Vol. I,
p. 163.

niS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 113

beating back, tbe Tioval Savage, with its inexperienced
crew, went aground and was abandoned; Arnold losing his
baggage, and all his papers, but the men were saved.'

At half-past twelve the British, having brought all their
gun-boats and schooners w^ithin musket- shot of the Ameri-
can line, the action became general, and from the shore of
the mainland to the island, the hostile fleets fired at close
range. Arnold, in the Congress galley, to which he had
gone after abandoning the Royal Savage, anchored in the
hottest part of the fire, and here, with obstinate determina-
tion, he held his position against all odds until five o'clock
in the afternoon, when the enemy retired. During this
long afternoon, a terrific cannonade of ronnd and grape shot
was continually kept up, and a constant blaze of rifles by a
large body of Indians in the covers of the forest, on the
shores of the island and the mainland. But as Arnold had
taken the precaution to protect his men and his ships by
fascines attached to the sides of the vessels, the rifles did
little execution. So terrific was the cannonade, that the
roar of the heavy guns is said to have been heard at Crown
Point. The Congress and the Washington galleys received
tlie most injury. Arnold, in the former, which was armed
with two eigh teen-pounders, two twelves, and two sixes,
fought with desperate heroism. In the absence of experi-
enced gunners, he pointed most of the pieces himself, pass-
ing rapidly from gun to gun, and firing as fast as the}' could
be loaded." This vessel received seven shots between wind
and water, was hulled twelve times, the mainmast was
wounded in two places, the rigging cut to pieces; yet, in,
this condition, and with dead and wounded all around him,,
he refused to yield or retreat; but hour after hour, for five

1. General Richard Arnold, of the U. S. Army, has a table made of the oak
lately taten from the wreck of the Royal Savage.

2. "So deficient was the fleet in gunners, that Arnold pointed almost every gun
that was fired from his vessel."— Sparts' Life of Arnold, p. 76.

114 LIFE OF EEXEDICT AENOLD.

liours, cheered on his men by word and example, until, as
night approached, the British withdrew — retiring from aii
enemy commanded by a man who would never know that
he was beat, and who would rather go down with flags fly-
ing than surrender.

The Washington galley was nearly as badly shattered as
the Congress; the first lieutenant killed, and the captain and
inaster wounded. The 'New York lost all her ofiicers except
her captain. The Philadelphia was hulled in so many
places that she sunk one hour after the engagement. The
whole number of killed and wounded was about eighty.

Never has there been exhibited a more striking illustra-
tion of Arnold's wonderful power of leadership and ability
to inspire his men with heroic bravery, and power to make
militia fight with unflinching courage, than on this occa-
sion.

As darkness fell over the scene of this terrible conflict,
the British commander posted his fleet across the channel,
through which Arnold must pass to eff'ect his escape, with
the expectation that in the morning, with his greatly supe-
rior force, he would capture the Nvholo American flotilla.
Arnold, however, determined to make an eflbrt to escape,
and if he failed, to destroy his ships, land his men, and fight
his way through the Indians to Crown Point. He called
to him for consultation his two able and efiicient subordi-
nates. Colonels Waterbury and "Wigglesworth, and, he
says, as their " ammunition was three-fourths spent," '
and the enemy greatly superior in ships and men, they
resolved to make an etfort to pass through the hostile lines.
It was a hazy night, and a fair wind had sprung up from
the north, and so, each vessel putting out every light except
a single signal lantern in the stern, to guide the ship that
followed, attempted to pass thrc)Ugli the British lines.

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. TI, p. 1U7.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 115

As the darkness of the misty night gathered over the
waters, the first vessel started, and in breathless silence one
by one the whole flotilla glided throngh, between the hos-
tile vessels : Arnold, in the Congress bringing np the rear,
and, as nsiial, the last to leave,, as he was ever the first to
reach, the post of danger. They were undiscovered. It
was skillfully, gallantly, admirably done — and now with a
fresh breeze, the crippled vessels bore away as rapidly as
possible up the Lake. Using all possible expedition, the
fleet reached Schuyler's Island, some twelve miles from the
scene of the battle ; and here they were compelled to lay
to, and stop the leaks in their vessels and repair damages.
Arnold instantly sent ofl" a dispatch to Gates, saying: "As
soon as our leaks are stopped, our whole fleet will make
the utmost dispatch for Crown Point." Well might he add :
" We have great reason to return our humble and hearty
thanks to Almighty God, for preserving and delivering so
many of us from our more than savage enemies."

Two of the gondolas were so badly injured they had to
be abandoned and sunk. In the afternoon the remainder
of the crippled flotilla again got under way; but the wind
gradually ceased, and soon a breeze sprung up from the
south, retarding their advance, so that very little progress
could be made by beating and rowing. The next morn-
ing, as the fog rose and the sun came out, the whole
British fleet, with every sail set, was seen crowding
down upon them ! The crippled Congress, with Arnold
on board, the Washington and some gondolas, were in
the rear. All the otb.ers, with every inch of canvass
spread, and urged to the utmost, were flying towards
Crown Point. It was but a short time, however, before
the enemy came up and opened fire on the Congress,
the Washington and the gondolas. After receiving a
few broadsides the Washington struck her colors; but

116 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

Arnold had no tliouglit of surrender. He determined,
with the Congress and the crippled gondolas, to fight the
whole fleet of the enemy, and so retard their advance, that
the remainder of his vessels might make good their escape —
to sacrifice himself if necessary to their safety. He re-
ceived the whole fire of the hostile fleet. A ship mounting-
twelve eighteen-pound guns, a schooner of fourteen six-
pounders, and another of twelve sixes, two under her stern
and one on her broadside, poured their concentrated flre of
round and grape shot into the already disabled Congress.
These vessels kept up an incessant fire for four hours upon
this one ship, which Arnold returned as best he could.
Thus the English fleet was delayed, and the remainder of
his own was making good their escape. The Congress was
so disabled she could not fly, and Arnold would not sur-
render. Her sails, rigging and hull were shattered and
torn to fragments; the Lieutenant killed; the crew, many
of them killed and wounded. Still her stern commander
had no thought of striking his flag, and continued the con-
test, until still other vessels of the enemy arrived, and he
found himself surrounded with seven sail, each pouring in
upon the hapless Congress broadside after broadside; and
still, in the openings of the enemies' sails, and of the smoke
of their guns, which thickly enveloped him, his flag could
be seen still flying.'

His ship was now a complete wreck, and, as he could
fight no more, he managed to break through the vessels
which surrounded him, and ran the Congress and the gon-
dolas into a small creek; and ordering the marines to leap

1. From "the shore dimly seen, through the mists of the deep,
Where the foe's haughty host in dread silence reposes,

What is that which the breeze o'er the towering steep,
As it fitfully blows, half conceals, half discloses?

Now it catches the gleam of the evening's last beam

In full glory reflected— now shines on the stream—

'Tis the star-spangled banner ; O, long may it wave

O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave ! "

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 117

overboard and wade asliore with their small arms, he then
set lire to the ship and the gondolas, and protected from
the approach of small boats by the muskets of the marines,
he lingered until the fire had extended too far to be ex-
tinguished, and then — his flag still flying — and ordering
all his men ashore, he himself the last to leave, leaped from
the bowsprit to the beach, and both he and his men, escap-
ing an Indian ambuscade by taking an unusual route,
arrived in safety at Crown Point, and passed on to Ticon-
deroga.

" From Salamis to Trafalgar,"

Where has there been a braver fight ? Well may the
sober Mr. Sparks, roused by the magnetism of such con-
duct, exclaim: "There are few instances on record of
more deliberate courage and gallantry than were displayed
by him, from beginning to end of this action." '

The country rang with praises of his heroism, and his
brilliant achievements were in every man's mouth. " Such
were the skill, bravery and obstinate resistance of Arnold
and his men against a vastly superior force; the event was
hailed as ominous of great achievements when such fear-
ful odds did not exist," ^

"General Arnold covered himself with glory, and his
example appears to have been nobly followed by most of
his otiicers and men. Even the enemy did justice to the
resolution and skill with which the American flotilla was
managed, the disparity of force rendering victory out of
the question, from the first. The manner in which the
Congress was fought, until she had covered the retreat of the
galleys, and the stubborn resolution with which she was
defended until destroyed, converted the disasters of this
part of the day into a species of triumph." ' This lan-

1. Life of Arnold, p. 79.

2. Lossing's Field Book of Revolution, p. 165.

3. J. Fennimore Cooper's Naval History U. S., Vol. I, p. 75.

118 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

guage of Lossing and Sparks and Cooper is not extravagant.
Search the naval history of our English ancestors, from
Frobisher to ISTelson, and our own, from Paul Jones to Perry
and Decatur, down to Farragut, and there is no instance of
more desperate valor. Arnold lost some of his ships, but
by his own desperate fighting he saved the others and his
flag, added to his fame, and in the language of his instruc-
tions, he met the enemy " with such cool, determined valor,"
as taught them the difficulty of conquering such a people.

The battle of Bunker Hill was an American defeat, but
its moral influence on both the contending nations, was
equal to an American victory. The battle of Yalcour
Island resulted in the defeat of the American fleet, but if
every battle was to be thus bloody and desperate, how long-
would the British ministers desire to continue the conflict?

How the conduct of Arnold was regarded by Gates and
other officers appears from extracts from their letters and
orders.

On the fifteenth of October, Gates encloses Arnold's re-
port of the engagement to Schuyler, and adds :

" It has pleased Providence to preserve General Arnold. Few men
ever met with so many hair-breadth escapes in so short a space of
time." ^

1. The following is Arnold's report of the fight:

" TiCONDEEOGA, Oct. 15, 1770.

' ' Dear General:— I make no doubt before this you have received a copy of my
letter to General Gates, of the 12th instant, dated at Schuyler's Island, advising of
an action between cur fleet and the enemy the preceding day, in which we lost a
schooner and a gondola. We remained no longer at Schuyler's Island than to stop
our leaks and mend the sails of the Washington. At two o'clock P. M., the 12th,
weighed anchor, with a fresh breeze to the southward. The enemy's fleet at the
same time got under way; our gondola made very little way ahead. In the evening
the wind moderated, and we made such progress that at six o'clock next morning
we were about ofi" Willsborough, twenty eight miles from Crown Point. The ene-
my's fleet were very little way above Schuyler's Island ; the wind breezed up to the
southward, so that we gained very little by beating or rowing: at the same time the
enemy took a fresh breeze from the northeast, and by the time we had reached
Split Rock, were along side of us. The Washington and Congress were in the
rear, the rest of our fleet were ahead, except two gondolas sunk at Schuyler's

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 119

Richard Yarick, writing to General Gates, October ITtli,
after alluding to the defeat of the fleet, adds:

" But among the favors of Providence we have the blessing of General
Arnold's safe return. I feared much for him. I hope, however, he will
still humble the pride and arrognace of haughty Britain, and convince
them that one defeat does not dispirit Americans." '

On the twenty-second of October, General Gates, writing
to Gov. Truraball, says:

Island. The Washington galley was in such a shattered condition, and had so
many men killed and wounded, she struck to the enemy after receiving a few
broadsides. We were then attacked in the Congress galley by a ship mounting
twelve eighteen-pounders, a schooner of fourteen sixes, and one of twelve sixes,
two under our stern and one on our broadside, within musket shot.

" They kept up an incessant fire on us for about five glasses, with round and grape
shot, which we returned as briskly. The sails, rigging and hull of the Congress were
shattered and torn in pieces, the First Lieutenant and three men killed, when, to
prevent her falling into the enemy's hands, who had seven sail around me, I ran
her ashore in a small creek ten iniles from Crown Point, on the East side, when,
afier saving our small arms, I set her on fire, with four gondolas, with whose crews
I reached Crown Point through the woods that evening, and very luckily escaped
the savages, who waylaid the road in two hours after we passed. At four o'clock
yesterday morning I reached this place, exceedingly fatigued and unwell, having
been without sleep or refreshment for near three days. Of our whole fleet we have
saved only two galleys, two small schooners, one gondola, and one sloop. Gen-
eral Waterbury, with one hundred and ten prisoners, were returned by Carleton
last night. On board of the Congress we had twenty-odd men killed and wcunded
Our whole loss amounts to eighty odd. The enemy's fleet were last night three miles
below Crown Point ; their army is doubtless at their heels. Wo are busily employed
ill completing our lines, redoubts, which, I am sorry to say, are not so forward as
I could wish. We have very few cannon, but are mounting every piece we have.
It is the opinion of Generals Gates and St. Clair, that eight or ten thousand militia
should be immediately sent to our assistance, if they can be spared from below. I
am of opinion the enemy will attack us with their fleet and army at the same
time. The former is very formidable, a list of which I am favored with by General
Waterbury, andhave enclosed.

'\The season is so far advanced, our people are daily growing more healthy. We
have about nine thousand eff'ectives, and if properly supported, make no doubt of
stopping the career of the enemy. All your letters to me of late have miscarried.
I am extremely sorry to hear by General Gates you are unwell. I have sent you by
General Waterbury a small box, containing all my public and private papers and
accounts, with a considerable sum of hard and paper money, which I beg the
favor of your taking care of.

" I am, dear General, your most affectionate humble servant,

"B. Arnold.
"To Hon. Major-General Schuyler."

Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 1080.

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 1102.

120 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

" It would have been happy for the TJnited States had the gallant be-
havior, and steady good conduct of that excellent officer (Arnold), been
supported by a fleet in any degree equal to the enemy." ^

On the 14tli of October, General Gates in general orders
" returns his thanks to General Arnold and the officers, sea-
men and marines of the fleet for the gallant defense they
made against the great superiority of the enemy's force." "^
The conduct of the Americans extoi'ted the admiration even
of their enemies. A gallant young English officer, named
Dacre, was sent to England with dispatches, and in giving
an account of the conflict " does justice to Arnold, and ac-
knowledges that the disposition of his force, and the defense
he made against a superior enemy, and the management of
his retreat, did him great honor." ^

The above extracts are given to show the judgment of
the officers and fellow-soldiers of Arnold at the time of the
action, and before their opinion could be changed by his
subsequent conduct.

I am not unaware that, after Arnold's treason, and since
it has become the natural inclination of our historians to
discredit him, it has been stated " that he recklessly sacri-
flced his fleet without public benefit." * Such was not the
opinion of his comrades, and Chief Justice Marshall, with
more judicial fairness, expresses the judgment of the
officers of the Revolution, when he says: "Arnold's fleet
was very advantageously posted, and forming a strong line
to defend the passage between Yalcour Island and the west-
ern main; and his defeat did not dispirit the Americans,
nor diminish his reputation.^

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. II, p. 1192.

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 525.

.3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1,227.

4. Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. IX, p. 15fi.

5. Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. Ill, pp. 8-10. See also Irving's Life of
Wasliington, Vol. IT, p. 444.

CHAPTER VII.

ARNOLD SUPERCEDED, AND HIS FIGHT AT RIDGEFIELD.

" I am anxious to know whether General Arnold's non-promotion was owing to
accident or design ; and the cause of it. Surely a more active, a more spirited, and
sensible officer fills no department of your a.nay."—Wasliuiglon. 1

"May the broad hand of the Almighty overshadow you; and if called to battle,
may the God of armies cover your head in the day of it."— Hannah Arnold to htr
Brolhtr.

Arnold in Washington's Camp- Sfnt to Ehode Island— Advances £1,000 to aid
Lamb in Raising his Regiment— Offees Himself to the Beautiful Miss
Deblois— Five Junior Brigadiers Promoted over him— He witholds his Re-
signation at Washington's Request— His Desperate Battle, and Escape at
Ridgefield — Congress Vote him a Horse, and Commission him a Major-
General— Declare the Charges of Brown to be Cruel Aspersions upon his
Character— Washington Begs Congress to Send him North to aid in Re-
pelling Bukgoyne.

On his arrival at Ticonderoga, Arnold was most cordially
welcomed by General Gates. His popularity had been
greatly increased by his conduct in the battle upon Lake
Champlaiu. Mr. Sparks says:

"Some writers have commented on the execution of this enterprise in
a tone of captious criticism, which can by no means be sustained by an
impartial view of the subject.- Arnold was sent out to meet the enemy.
Whether he should fight or not, it is true, was left to his discretion. He
chose the former, and was beaten; but not until he had maintained a
combat for half a day, with a force nearly double his own, and caused
the enemy to retire. This fact is enough to prove that his position was

1. Letter to Richard Henry Lee. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 351.

2. Life of Arnold, pp. 80-81. See Bancroft's History of U. S., Vol. IX, p. 156.

(121)

122 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

judiciously cliosen, and that tlie action on his part was skillfully fought.
* * With consummate address, he then penetrated the enemy's lines,
and brought off his whole fleet, shattered and disabled as it was, and
succeeded at last in sa,ving six of his vessels, and it might be added, most
of his men. * * *

The conduct of Arnold was at the time approved by his military supe-
riors, by Congress, and the whole nation."

Therefore, when he joined the arjnj again at Ticonderoga,
his fellow-soldiers cordially welcomed hiin, and regarded
his escape, in the language of Colonel Yarick, as.'.'a bless-
ing from Almighty God." Carleton did not attack Ti-
conderoga. The lateness of the season, and the manner
in which Arnold had resisted his attack on the Ameri-
can fleet, doubtless influenced him. Arnold had exhib-
ited thus far in his military career a brilliant heroism,
an energy and determination, certainly unsurpassed by that
of any ofiicer in the service. He had from the first enjoyed
the unqualified confidence of Washington and Schuyler.
AVarren, while he lived, was his devoted friend, and Chase,
and Carroll of Carrollton the commissioners from Con-
gress to Canada, who had visited him in his camp, certified
to his good conduct. Yet he had bitter and influential
enemies. Lieutenant Colonel Brown and Colonel Easton
probably prejudiced some of the members of Congress from
ISTew England against him. Chase had written to him in
August, on his return to Philadelphia from Canada:

" I am distressed to hear so many reports injurious to your character
about the goods seized at Montreal. I cannot but request all persons to
suspend their opinion, to give you an opportunity of being heard.
Your best friends are not your countrymen. * * * Mr. Carroll re-
quests his compliments, etc. * Your affectionate and obedient servant,

"Samukl Chase."

Possibly the warm friendship manifested for him by
Schuyler, who early suggested his name for an important
position, and who was very unpopular with most of the

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 810.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 123

]S'ew England delegates in Congress, may huve prejudiced
some of the members from that section against liim.

"A prophet is not without honor, save in his own
country."

As he now came up the lake to Ticonderoga, with
the glory won in the wilderness of Maine, at Quebec, at
Yalcour Island, honored by his associates as tlie hero of the
liour, there was a great contrast between his condition, when
in May 1775, he marched by the side of Ethan Allen into
the sally-port of the old fortress. If his memory reverted,
as it doubtless did, to the time when as a runaway boy
he had sought on the shores of these same waters, adven-
ture in the ranks, he must have felt some satisfaction in
what he had already accomplished. Intensely ambitious,
had he possessed the wonderful self-control and poise
of Washington, his career w^ould have been as brilliant in
its termination as it had thus far been bright and promis-
ing. But, while respectful to liis superiors, and placable
to those who made friendly advances to him, there is prob-
ably no instance — I know of none — in which this proud
and haughty soldier sought to conciliate an enemy. To
those who injured him, and to those he believed desired to
injure liim, he was stern and defiant. Hence he had many
and powerful enemies, and he was too proud to take any
step to conciliate them. They who became unfriendly
from an}^ cause, or without cause, were apt to continue so;
and prejudice was easily created against a man of his
haughty spirit, and these enemies finally drove him to des-
peration and a terrible crime.

On the twenty-seventh of JSTovember, Arnold and Gates
were at Albany, and Gates wrote to the President of Con-
gress, saying:

"General Arnold, who is nowhere, is anxious after his long- absence
to see his family, and settle his public accounts. Should the motions of

124 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

the enemy make his presence necessary, I know his zeal for the service
will outweigh all other considerations, and induce him to take the route
that leads to them." ^

On the fourteen til of December, 1776, Washington writes
to Governor Trumball, of Connecticut:

" I have ordered General Arnold, on his way down from
Ticonderoga to jSTorwich, or wherever his presence will be
most necessary;'"' and to General Gates: "I wrote to
General Arnold to go to the eastward on account of intelli-
gence from that quai-ter. His presence will be of infinite
service." ^

This order missed him on his route, and he had the
pleasure of visiting Washington at his camp, on the banks
of the Delaware, where he remained three days, a short
time before the battle of T^enton.^

The British were threatening the coast of New England^
and Arnold was now sent to Rhode Island to co-operate
with General Heath in rallying the militia, and making
preparations to repel them. General Green, writing to the
Governor of Rhode Island, says: "General Spencer and
General Arnold are coming to take the command in Rhode
Island. Arnold is a fine S2)irited fellow, and an active Gen-
eral."* On his way, Arnold visited his sister, and his
children, then under her motherly care. The British landed
and took possession of Il^ewport. The winter was passed
by him in !N"ew England. He visited Boston, and spent
some time there in consulting leading men and the Legis-
ture, with a view of raising a force with which to attack the
enemy in Rhode Island. Washington wrote to him several
times during the winter, and in reply to letters from him
desiring permission to attack, Washington discouraged him>

1. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 875.

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1215.

3. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1217.

4. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. Ill, p. 1343.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 125

on the ground that his force was insufficient to make success
" morally certain," *

In the campaign against Quebec, Arnold liad formed a
strong attacliment for a comrade, Caj)t. John Lamb, who
in the assault commanded the artillery; and who had been
severely wounded and taken prisoner. "While at Wash-
ington's headquarters, on the Delaware, he had made
strong and successful interest with the commander-in-chief
to have Lamb exchanged. Soon after the exchange, Lamb
was authorized to raise a regiment of artillery, and among
his captains he selected Samuel Mansfield, the brother of
General Arnold's deceased wife. ^

Colonel Lamb was very much embarrassed in raising his
regiment for want of funds, Congress neglecting to furnish
them. After exhausting his own means, and borrowing of
his friends, he

"Fell in with General Arnold, who, upon being acquainted with Ihe
failure of the government to furnish funds for enlistment, offered the
loan of one thousand pounds, and sent to Colonel Lamb an order on his
sister Hannah, who had taken charge of his family after the death of his
wife. The order was accepted, and that excellent and patriotic woman
advanced, with alacrity, the money."'

It was during this winter, and while at Boston, that Ar-
nold met and fell in love with the beautiful Miss Deblois,
then a distinguished and much admired belle of that city.
The following is a curious letter of his to Mrs. Knox, wife
of General Knox, and presents a new i3hase of his char-
acter:

"Watektown, 4th March, 1777.
' 'Dear Madam : —

"I have taken the Liberty of Enclosing a letter to the heavenly Miss
Deblois, which I beg the favor of your delivering with the trunk of
gowns, etc., which Mrs. promised me to send to you. I hope she

1. See letter of Washington to Arnold, Feby. 6, 1777. Sparks' Writings of Wash-
ington, Vol. IV, p 313 ; also, letter of March 3d, Vol. IV, p. 344.

2. Leake's Life of Lamb, p. 150.

3. Leake's Life of Lamb, p. 1S3. This act does not tend to prove the penurious-
ncss with which Arnold has been charged.

126 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

will make no objection to receiving them. I make no doubt yon will
soon have the pleasure to see the charming Mrs. Emery, and have it in
your power to give me the favorable intelligence. I shall remain under
the most anxious suspense until I have the favor of a Line from you, who,
if I may judge, will from your own experience consider the fond anxiety,
the glowing hopes and chilling fears that alternately possess the heart, of
dear Madam, Your obedient and most humble Servant,

"Benedict Arnold.
"Mrs. Knox, Boston."^

Perhaps the brilliant soldier would have been more snc-
cessful if he had made love in person. "What was the reply
of Miss Deblois, we are not informed ; but it may be
inferred from the fact that she never married.

"While Arnold was actively engaged in j^ew England in
trying to raise a force with which he could attack the Brit-
ish, an event occurred which had "an important bearing
on his future destiny."

On the 19th of February, 1777, Congress elected five
Major Generals, namely: Stirling, Mifilin, St. Clair,
Stephen and Lincoln. Arnold was passed over, and the
above named five, every one his junior in rank, and one of
them, Lincoln, was promoted from the militia. "Whatever
may have been the merits of Stephen, Stirling, and their
associates, no one will assert that in service or merit as sol-
diers, there was anything in their past history to justify
their promotion over such an ofiicer as Arnold, with the
military record he had made. He was astonished and in-

1. W. H. Sumner, who communicates the letter to the Register, says: "The
original letter In Arnold's own handwriting, was accidentally found among the
papers of General Knox. It is written in a handsome hand, free and unaffected."
Mr. Sumner says :

" The impassioned language of Arnold shows that he made love as he fought, and
did everything else, with all his might and main, and one cannot help reflecting
how very different might have been the history of this brave but passionate and
ill- disciplined man, had he succeeded in this, perhaps his first love affair." (Mr.
Sumner forgets his attachment and marriage to Miss Mansfield, at New Haven.)
"He was then," says Sumner, "at the zenith of his fame, just subsequent to his
brilliant career in Canada and on the lakes."— AIjw England Historical and Genea-
logical Register, Vol. II, p. 75.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 127

dignant, but acted with dignity and self-control. "Wash-
ington was concerned and equally astonished; he feared the
army would lose the services of a general he was accus-
tomed to look to for hard work and severe service. He
could not think it credible that this indignity could have
been inflicted upon Arnold by design. " This measure,"
says Sparks, "was deeply regretted by Washington, who
valued highly the military abilities of Arnold, and who
considered the good of the service to require a strict regard
to the customary rewards for professional merit." '
Washington wrote to Arnold, saying:

' 'I am at a loss to know whether you have had a precedinof appoint-
ment, as the newspapers announce, or whether you have been omitted
through some mistake. Should the latter be the case, I beg- you will
not take any hasty steps, but allow proper time for recollection, which J
Hatter myself will remedy any error that may have been made; my
endeavors to that end shall not be wanting. ' ' '•*

Arnold's reply, dated March 11th, was manly and dig-
nitied, but indicated that his feelings were deeply hurt.

"I am greatly obliged to your Excellency," he wrote to General Wash-
ington, "for interesting yourself so much in my behalf in respect to my
appointment, which 1 have had no advice of, and know not by what
means it was announced in the papers. I believe none but the printer
has a mistake to rectify. Congress, undoubtedly, have a right of pro-
moting those whom, fi'om their abilities, and their long and arduous ser-
vices, they esteem most deserving. Their promoting junior officers to the
rank of major-generals, I view as a very civil way of requesting my
resignation, as unqualified for the office I hold. My commission was
conferred unsolicited, and received with pleasure only as a means of serv-
ing my country. With equal pleasure I resign it, when T can no longer
serve my country v/ith honor. The person who, void of the nice feelings
of honor, will tamely condescend to give up his right, and retain a com-
mission at the expense of his reputation, I hold as a disgrace to the
anny, and unworthy of the glorious cause in which we are engaged.
When I entered the service of my country my character was unim-
peached. I have sacrificed my interest, ease and happiness in he.' cause.

1. Note of Sparks to Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 34.5.

2. Sparks' Writings of Wasliington, pp. o45-0.

128 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

It is rather a misfortune than a fault, that my exertions have not been
crowned with success. I am conscious of the rectitude of my intentions.
In justice, therefore, to my own character, and for the satisfaction of my
friends, I must request a court of inquiry into my conduct; yet every per-
sonal injury shall be buried in my zeal for the safety and happiness of
my country, in whose cause I have repeatedly fought and bled, and am
ready at all times to risk my life. I shall certainly avoid any hasty step
(in consequence of the appointments which have taken place,) that may
tend to the injury of my country."
Again: —

" In my last I intimated to your Excellency the impossibility of my
remaining in a disagreeable situation in the army. My being superseded
must be viewed as an implied impeachment of my character. I therefore
requested a court of inquiiy into my conduct. I believe the time is now
at hand when I can leave this department without any damage to the
public interest. When that is the case, I will wait on your Excellency,
not doubting my request will be granted, and that I shall be able to
acquit myself of every charge which malice or envy can bring against
me."*

On the 6th of March, "Washington writes to his confi-
dential friend, Kichard Henrj Lee, member of Congress
from Virginia, saying :

" I am anxious to know whether General Arnold's non-promotion was
owing to accident or design, and the cause of it. Surely a more active,
a more spirited and sensible officer fills no department in your army.
Not seeing him, then, in the list of Major-Generab, and no mention
made of him, gives me uneasiness, as it is not to be presumed, being
the oldest brigadier, that he will continue in the service under such a
slight." 2

On the third of April, "Washington again wrote to Arnold
on this subject, as follows:

"MoREiSTOWN, 3d April, 1777.

"Dear Sir: It is needless for me to say much upon a subject which
must undoubtedly give you a good deal of uneasiness. I confess I was

1. Spark's Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, pp. 345-346.

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 351. As an illustration of Con-
gress' disregard of Washington's wishes, he wrote to Richard Henry Lee, in regard
to the appointment of Conway as Major General: "I think it will be a fatal blow
to the existence of the army ; " and yet Congress' appointed Conway. Writings of
Washington, Vol. V, p. 484.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 129

surprised when I did not see your name in the list of Major-Generals,
and was so fully of opinion that there was some mistake in the matter,
that, as you may recollect, I desired you not to take any hasty step before
the intention of Congress was fully known. The point does not now
admit of a doubt, and is of so delicate a nature that I will not even
undertake to advise. Your own feelings must be your guide. As no
part.cular charge is alleged against you, I do not see upon what ground
you can demand a court 9^' inquiry. Besides, public bodies are not
amenable for their actions. They place and displace at pleasure; and
all the satisfaction that an individual can obtain when he is overlooked,
is, if innocent, a consciousness that he has not deserved such treatment
for his honest exertions. Your determination not to quit your present
command while any danger to the public might ensue from your leaving
it, deserves my thanks, and justly entitles you to the thanks of your
country.

"General Greene, who has lately been at Philadelphia, took occasion
to inquire upon what principle the Congress proceeded in their late pro-
motion of general officers. He was informed that the members from
each State seemed to insist upon having a proportion of general officers
adequate to the number of men which they furnish, and that, as Con-
necticut had already two Major-Generals, it was their full share. I con-
fess this is a strange mode of reasoning, but it may serve to show you
that the promotion, which was due to your seniority, was not overlooked
for want of merit in you. I am, dear sir, yours, etc." ^

Arnold, in consequence of the advice of Wasliington,
did not resign, saying, "Every personal injury shall be
buried in my zeal for the safety and happiness of ray
country, in whose cause I have repeatedly fought and bled,
and am ready at all times to risk my life."

He was not, more than other officers, unduly or unusually
sensitive about his rank and promotion. Later in the year
1777, a report reached camp that a French officer, named
Ducondray, had been appointed by Congress a Major-Gen-
eral in the American army, and was to command the artil-
lery. Without waiting to leai-n whether the report was
true, Generals Greene, Sullivan and Knox, each wrote to Con-
gress a laconic letter, dated on the same day, and each request-
ing, if the report was true, permission to retire. General

1, Sparks' Writings of Wasliington, Vol. IV, pp. 377-8.

130 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD,

Nathaniel Greene says : " If the report be true, it will lay
me under the necessity of resigning my commission, as his
appointment (Dncondray's) supercedes me in command." '

Dncondray was not appointed, but the incident is intro-
duced to show the feeling among the American officers on
the subject. An opportunity soon occurred to test Arnold's
sincerity, when he declared his readiness, notwithstanding
the indignity put upon him, "to risk his life for his coun-
try."

Smarting under this injustice, on his route from Provi-
dence to Philadelphia — to ask an investigation of his con-
duct,— in passing through Connecticut he stopped at Kew
Haven to visit his sister and his children. "While there he
heard of the invasion of that State by Governor Tryon
with two thousand British troops. They had landed near
Fairfield, marched towards Dan bury where a large amount
of public stores had been collected. They reached Dan-
bury on the 26th, at fonr p. m., and burned the stores and
a part of the town. Generals Wooster and Silliman had
hastily collected a few hundred militia, and about one hun-
dred continentals ; amounting in all to some six hundred,
and pushed forward in pursuit of Tryon. Hastening from
^NTew Haven, Arnold joined them at Eeading, and they
all marched to Bethel, four miles from Danbury, arriving
there at two o'clock at night. Here they learned that Dan-
bury had been burned, with all the public stores, and that
the British were preparing to retire to their ships.

"At day -light on the following morning, Arnold and
Silliman proceeded with four hundred men to Ridgefield,
with the design of intercepting the enemy on their return;
and Wooster with two hundred men took another route to
harrass the rear of the enemy." Wooster soon came up with
the British, and a skirmish ensued in which the brave old
general received a mortal wound.

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, note on page 490 of Vol IV.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON". 131

By the time Arnold arrived at E-idgefield, the militia of
his State, proud of his fame, and eager to fight under his
leadership, had flocked to his standard, so that his numbers
exceeded five hundred men.

He hastily constructed a barricade of carts, logs, stones
and earth, across the highway along which the British were
coming. His position was well chosen, the street narrow,
and flanked on the one side by a ledge of rocks, and on the
other by a house and barn. Behind this barricade, he formed
his men, and awaited the approach of the enemy. At three
o'clock Tryon approached at the head of nearly two thou-
sand troops, marching in solid column, and as soon as he
discovered the position of Arnold, he opened a heavy fire in
front, and sent out detachments on each flank, to turn them
and get into the rear of the Americans. The British fire
was returned with great spirit, and Arnold with his small
force, held his position against four times their number,
for some time. At length, the British flanking party,
under General Agnew, gained the summit of the ledge of
rocks, when Arnold ordered his men to retreat. At about the
same time, a whole platoon of General Agnew's infantry,
who had gained the rocks above him, came running down,
and when not more than thirty yards distant, all fired at him.
His horse received nine balls and instantly fell dead. ^ He,
strange as it seems, was not hit. Tor a moment, his feet
being entangled in his stirrups, he was unable to rise. See-
ing his position, a soldier rushed forward with fixed bayonet
to run him through ; approaching Arnold, as he sat still
entangled on his dead horse, the soldier called out: "Sur-
render! you are my prisoner!" "Not yet," exclaimed
Arnold, coolly, and drawing a pistol from his holster, he
shot the soldier dead. At the same moment, extricating

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution Vol. I, p. 109. See note in which it is
stated that nine bullet holes were found in Arnold's dead horse, as he was skinned
by some neighboring farmers.

132 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

himself, he sprang upon his feet, and leaped away into a
thickly wooded swamp near by, followed by a shower of
balls — but again he escaped untouched. " So remarkable
an exhibition of cool and steady courage in a moment of
extreme danger has rarely been witnessed." * The British
went into camp within a mile of Kidgefield until the fol-
lowing morning, when they resumed their march towards
their ships, at Compo.

As Tryon approached Korwalk, he learned that the inde-
fatigable, and apparently invulnerable, Arnold, was again
in the saddle, and was rallying the scattered militia to cut
him off.

" Eeing reinforced, he hung upon their flanks and rear,
throughout their entire march to their ships, attacking
them at every assailable point." ^ At Compo, aided by a
portion of Lamb's artillery, it is probable the whole detach-
ment would have been captured, had not Sir "William Ers-
kine landed a party of marines from the ships, and with
these fresh troops drove the Americans back. During all
this fighting, Arnold, reckless of danger, at the head of the
attacking party, led the militia in person, encouraged them
by voice and example, until his horse — his second horse —
was wounded in the neck and disabled. Arnold still
escaped, although a bullet passed through the collar of his
coat. In such a manner did he make good his words to
Washington, that he was still, notwithstanding the indig-
nity put upon him — " ready at all times to risk his life for
the safety and happiness of his country."

The news of these exploits passed rapidly to Congress,
and extorted from that body the promotion, which, in the
judgment of Washington, had been so unjustly withheld.
Congress, on the twentieth of May, also passed the follow-
ing resolution :

1. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 91.

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 91.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 133

"That the Quarter-Master General be directed to procure a horse, and
present the same, properly caparisoned, to Major-General Arnold, in the
name of this Congress, as a token of their approbation of his gallant
conduct in the action against the enemy, in their late enterprise to Dan-
bury, in which General Arnold had one horse killed and another
wounded." ^

Congress also, on tLe same day, ordered, "That the
letter from General Arnold, with the papers enclosed, be
referred to the Board of "War, together with such com-
plaints as had been lodged against him." This referred
especially to the charges of Lt.-Colonel Brown, and all
other "complaints" against him. On the 23d of May,
the Board of War reported that they had had a conference
with General Arnold concerning the imputations of Brown ;
had examined original letters, orders and papers, giving an
account of his conduct; confirmed by the relations of Mr.
Carroll, one of the late commissioners to Canada, then a
member of the Board of War, and that this . evidence had
given entire satisfaction to the Board, concerning the Gen-
eral's character and conduct, so cruelly and groiindlessly
aspersed. *

Congress immediately confirmed the report. But not-
withstanding all this, for some reason Congress did not
give him his proper rank; he was still out-ranked by the
live Major Generals, by whom he had been superceded on
the 19tli of February. He who had been the senior Briga-
dier General, was now at the foot of the Major Generals,

1. Journals of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 194.

2. The text of the resolution is as follows : " The Board of War reported that
they had had a conference with Major-General Arnold, concerning the imputations
cast upon his character, contained in a hand-bill, dated Pittsfield, April 12th, 1777,
and subscribed, John Brown— laid before Congress by the General in his letter to
the President— that the General laid before the Board a variety of original letters,
orders and other papers, which, together with the General's account of his conduct,
confirmed by the relation of Mr. Carroll, one of the late commissioners to Canada—
now a member of this Board— have given entire satisfaction to this Beard, con-
cerning the General's character and conduct, so craelly and groundlessly aspersed in
Vie publication.

" Resolved, That the said report be confirmed." Ditto p. 199.

134 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

all his late juniors outranking him. There is an inconsis-
tency and a mystery in regard to this action of Congress,
difficult to understand. General Washington himself could
not understand it. On the 5th of May, he wrote to the
President of Congress, saying: "General Arnold's promo-
tion gives me much pleasure. He has certainly discovered
in every instance, where he has had an opportunity, much
bravery, activity and enterprise. But what will be done
about his rank ? He will not act, most probably, under
those he commanded but a few weeks ago." *

Washington, sensible of the delicacy of Arnold's posi-
tion, gave him the command on the Hudson, which was
then regarded as honorable a post as any officer could hold.
On the 7th of May, Washington writes to General McDou-
gal, saying: " I have desired him (General Arnold) to come
immediately to Peekskill. * * You will find him a man
of judgment." ^ * '

Arnold however did not accept this position, but asked
and obtained leave to go to Philadelphia, and ask the resto-
ration of his proper rank and that his accounts should be
settled. Washington gave him a letter to the President of
Congress stating the object of his visit, and requesting that
Arnold should have " an opportunity of vindicating himselt,
and his innocence."' He adds "It is needless to say any-
thing of this gentleman's military character. It is univer-
sally known that he has always distinguished himself as a
judicious, brave officer, of great activity, enterprise and
perseverance."

On his arrival, he addressed a letter to Congress, which
shows how deeply he felt wounded and grieved :

" I am exceedingly unhappy," said he, "to find that after having made

1. Spares' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 408.

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 410.

3. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV. p. 416.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 135

every sacrifice of fortune, ease and domestic happiness to serve my coun-
try, I am publ.cly impeached (in pai'ticular by Lt.-Colonel Brown,) of a
catalogue of crimes, which, if true, ought to subject me to disgrace, in-
famy, and the just resentment of my countrymen. Conscious of the rec-
titude of my intentions, however I may have erred in judgment, I must
request the favor of Congress to point out some mode by which my con-
duct, and that of my accusers, may be inquired into, and justice done to
the innocent and injured." '

This was the letter wliich, with the other papers, were
referred to the Board of War, as above set forth.

On the day this petition was presented, May 20th,
Richard Henry Lee wrote from Congress to Mr. Jefferson,
saying: "One plan, now in frequent use, is to assassinate
the characters of the friends of America, in everyplace and
by every means; at this moment they are now reading in
Congress an audacious attempt of this kind against the
brave General Arnold." ^

But Congress did not restore his proper rank — nor was
any action taken on the letter " of General Washington."
Congress had declared that they were entirely satisfied with
the conduct of General Arnold; they declared the charges
against him " cruel and groundless," and yet they did
not do him the justice to restore his rank. Those who
knew him best, and whose opportunities for learning his
true character were most favorable, were his warmest
friends. Washington, Schuyler and Gates, up to and after
this time, the commissioners of Congress to Canada, Chase
and Carroll, of Carrollton, who had been in his camp, and
among the troops in Canada, sent there to investigate and
correct wrongs and abuses — all bear testimony to his merits,
and all at this time were his friends. To what extent his
treatment by Congress is to be attributed to envy, jealousy,
or other unworthy motives, it is now perhaps impossible to
determine.

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 417.

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV —note to page 418.

136 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

While in Philadelphia, Arnold presented his accounts,
and asked the appointment of a committee to investigate
and audit them. These accounts were voluminous, running
hack to the time when he started from Cambridge on the
expedition to Quebec, through all his campaigns in Canada
and on Lake Champlain, down to the battle of Yalcour
Island. During all this time the army was very imperfectly
organized, the supply of money was inadequate — what was
furnished often un-current; the business of purchases,
payments, and money affairs generally, rested in a very
large degree with the commanders of detachments.

In June, 1776, in a letter from St. Johns, writing to Gen-
eral Sullivan, Arnold says: " I have borrowed several sums
of hard money. * * The poor soldiers receive no benefit
from their pay (it being in uncurrent paper), and starve in
the midst of plenty, with their pockets full of money." '
Writing to the commissaries of Congress, June 2nd, 1776,
Arnold says: " Everything is in the greatest confusion.'"
Not one contractor, commissary or quarter-master. I am
obliged to do the duty of all." ' In May, 1776, at Sorel, he
had to purchase for the troops beef, wheat, flour, blankets,
tents, clothing, etc. He says: "A quarter-master and
commissary are much needed here; I have so much on
hand I can hardly get one minute to write." ^ To Chase,
one of the commissaries, he says. May 15th: "Will it not
be advisable and justifiable to seize on all such goods in
Montreal as we are in absolute necessity for, and pay them
the value? This I submit to your better judgment." *

Arnold had sometimes used his own means, and his credit,
which at that time seems to have been good in Canada, to
relieve the most pressing needs of the suffering soldiers. At

1. Am. Archives, 4th S., Vol. VI, p. 931.

2. Am. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 105

3. Am. Archives, 4th -., Vol. VI, pp. 579-580.

4. Am. Archives, 4tli S., Vol. VI, pp. 580-581.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 137

the commencement of the war lie was in easy circumstances,
a prosperous and enterprising merchant. He said that in
the service of his country he had sacrificed the " greater
part of a handsome fortune." He was always profuse in his
expenditures, and was a man who, if he had means or credit,
would never hesitate one moment in using both for the
relief of his soldiers, and to promote his ruling passion for
military success. Undoubtedly the accounts of his expendi-
tures, seemed t) the committee of investigation very large;
and he had enemies who did not hesitate to charge him with
an attempt to defraud the country, for which he had been
so freely exposing his life. In the absence of any proof of
fraud, it is more charitable — probably more just — to attrib-
ute the large claims which he presented, to the confusion
in which affairs had been managed, and to the necessities
of the service — the sufferings of the soldiers, which had
induced him to use his own means and credit to the utmost.
"While the committee of Congress were examining his
accounts, he was appointed to the command of the army
then gathering in the neighborhood of Philadelphia, to
watch the movements of General Howe. When this
officer made a demonstration towards Philadelphia, Arnold
was sent forward to the Delaware above Trenton, to co-ope-
rate with Washington in opposing his advance. This duty
he discharged with his usual zeal, and was as usual eager to
fight. Writing to Mifflin, June 12th, 177T, he says : " Fight
the enemy we must, whenever our reinforcements are in.
We cannot avoid it with honor; our men are in high
spirits."' But the British General retired to Brunswick,
and Arnold returned to Philadelphia, and again sought a
settlement of his accounts. The committee having the
matter in charge did not report, nor did Congress act upon
his reiterated request that his proper rank should be

1. Eemembrancer, Vol. V, p. 268.

138 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

restored. His patience became exhausted, and liis wounded
pride and impetuous temper would not submit. He wrote
a letter to Congress tendering Lis resignation, but declaring
that he was driven to it only by a sense of injustice; and
professing an ardent love for his country, and his readiness
to risk his life in her cause; but added: " Honor is a sacrifice
no man ought to make; as I received, so I wish to transmit
it to posterity."

On the very day this letter from Arnold was presented
to Congress, that body received a letter from General Wash-
ington, dated July 10th, 1777, communicating the fact that
General Burgoyne was advancing along the old war path
from Canada, determined to possess himself of all our posts
in that quarter, and threatening to advance still further to
Albany and the Hudson, and earnestly recoinmending that
they should send Arnold to the field of danger. He says:

" * * Upon this occasion I would take the liberty to sug-gest to Con-
gress the propriety of sending an active, spirited officer to conduct and
lead them on. If General Arnold has settled his affairs, and can be spared
from Philadelphia, I would recommend him for this business, and that
Jie should immediately set out for the northern department. He is active,
judicious and brave, and an officer in whom the militia will repose great
confidence. Besides this, he is well acquainted with that country, and
with the routes and most important passes and defiles in it. I do not
think he can render more signal services, or be more usefully employed at
this time than in this way. I am persuaded his presence and activity
will animate the militia greatly, and spur them on to a becoming conduct.
I could wish him to be engaged in a more agreeable service, to be witli
better troops, but circumstances call for his exertions in this way, and I
have no doubt of his adding much to the honors he has akeady ac-
quired."^ * *

And again, on the 12th, "Washington says to Congress:
" In my last I took the liberty of suggesting the propriety
of sending an active officer to animate the militia that may
assemble for checking General Burgoyne's progress, and
mentioned General Arnold for that purpose. * * Being

1. Sparks' Writings of Wasliington, Vol. IV. pp. 485, 487.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 139

more and more convinced of the important advantages that
will result from his presence and conduct, I have thought
it mv duty to rejpeat my wishes on the subject, and that he
may without a 'iiioment''s loss of time, set out from Phila-
delphia for that purpose." *

These letters from his chief soothed the wounded feelings
of Arnold, and the mention of a campaign against Bur-
goyne was to him like the sound of the trumpet to the war-
horse.

Instantly he asked leave to suspend his request for per-
mission to resign, only adding that he would leave it with
Congress, and made no doubt they w^onld listen to it when
the service was over. He had determined to drive Bur-
goyne back to Canada or die. He went even farther, and
" volunteered," says Sparks, " an act of magnanimity, which
certainly must extort praise if it cannot win esteem." ^
Knowing that St. Clair was in command in the northern
army, and that he was one who had been his junior, and
one of the five promoted over him, he generously waived all
considerations of rank and pride, and declared he would
" do his duty faithfully in the rank he then held, and trust
to the justice of his claims for a future reparation."

Such was the spirit with which Arnold left Philadelphia
to join Schuyler in the campaign against Burgojaie.

The thrilling story of that campaign, and the part that
Arnold bore in it, will be the subject of the following
chapters.

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, pp. 489-490,

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 99.

CHAPTER VIII.

CAMPAIGN ON THE MOHAWK, AND RELIEF OF FORT
STANWIX.

"He (Arnold) is active, judicious and brave, and an officer in whom the militia
have great confidence/'— WaMnr/ton.

"In my last I suggested an active officer to animate the militia who may assem-
ble, lor checking General Burgoyne's progress, and mentioned General Arnold.
Being more and more convinced of the important advantages of his presence, I
have thought it my duty to repeat my wishes, that he may without one moment's
loss of time set out."— Washington. 1

St. Leger Invests Fort Stanwix— Herkimer going to its Relief, Falls into

AN AMBrSCADE, AND AT THE BATTLE OP ORISKANY IS MORTALLY WOUNDED—

Arnold Volunteers to go to the Relief of Gansevoort— Reaches German
Flats, and although a Council of War Resolve that they must Wait for
Reinforcements, he Determines to " Push Forward and Hazard a Battle,"
rather than see the Garrison fall— He Resorts to a Ruse— Frightens
THE Indians, who Abandon the Siege, and Stanwix is Relieved.

The third year of the war was now opening, and as yet
no decisive results had been reached. No great victories
had been achieved, nor had any large anny been captured
on either side. Washington's wise Fabian policy would in
time tire out an enemy fighting three thousand miles from
home. The English began to realize this, and the British
ministry meant to make the campaign of Burgoyne in 1777
decisive. The plan was simple, but skillful, and if success-
ful, might in its results have realized the hopes of its pro-
jectors. The principal feature was the expedition of Bur-
goyne, which was to move from Quebec by the St. Lawrence,

1. Washington to Congress. Writings of Washington, Vol. IV p. 487^89.

(140)

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TKEASOI^. 141

Lake Champlain, and tlie banks of the Hudson, to i^Ibany.
Auxiliary and co-operative with this, was another expedi-
tion under St. Leo^er, which, passing up the St. Lawrence
and Lake Ontario to Oswego, was to push through by way
ofWood Creek and the Oneida Lake, into the rich valley of
the Mohawk, capturing on its way old Fort Stanwix, then
called Fort Schuyler, where the city of Eome now stands;
thence along the Mohawk to join Burgoyne at Albany.
Meanwhile, General Howe was to advance up the Hudson
from the city of ]^ew Tork, and form a junction with the
combined forces of St. Leger and Burgoyne. With St.
Leger was a large body of Indians, under Sir John John-
son and Joseph Brant (Thayandenega), one of the ablest
and most celebrated of the Indian chiefs. The fall of
Fort Schuyler, and the success of the expedition, would
expose all the settlements west of Albany, most of whicli
were then organized, as Tryon county, to the barbarous cru-
elties of the savages. How appalling these would have
been, the massacre of men, women and children at Wyo-
ming, Cherry Yalley and other places, but too well indicate.

The success of Burgoyne's campaign would have cut oft'
Xew England from the other States, and have placed the
powerful State of 'New Tork in the complete control of the
British. It is not, therefore, surprising that both the friends
and foes of American independence, looked upon the result,
as likely to be extremely important, perhaps absolutely
decisive. " This campaign will end the war," said Reidesel,
one of Burgoyne's most distinguished officers.

The theater of conflict was one of the most picturesque in
America; and has been long known as hereinbefore stated,
as the battle ground on which the fate of America between
France and Great Britain had been often contested. The
lakes of the north, as well as the valleys of the Mohawk and
the Hudson, had often been the pathway of French, English,

142 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

Colonial and Indian armies. Composed of lakes and moun-
tains, rivers and valleys, dark forests and fertile flats, the
country was interesting, not only for its strategic impor-
tance, but for its picturesque beauty. Most of this vast
region, now among the most tliickly settled and highly cul-
tured parts of New York, was in 1777 a wilderness.
Settlements west of Albany were scattered and weak; the
people exposed alike to the wild animals and still wilder
and more savage Indians. Block-houses for defense were
still common among the settlers; and along the Mohawk
the little stone church was often used as a substitute in
case of attack.

The Tory element was of considerable strength. In the
Yalley of the Mohawk, there had lived for several years in
baronial style, in "Johnson Hall," the family of Sir William
Johnson, and the influence of this family over the Indians,
with whom they were allied by marriage, was very strong.

Far greater differences in social rank and condition
existed at that time in ISTew York than in most of the
ISTew England States. Grants of lands in large areas had
been made to various individuals, and as the law of entail
and primogeniture then existed, these lands were still held
in very large tracts by the descendants of the grantees, and
the landlords lived in considerable state, and exercised large
influence over their tenants and dependants. Some of these
large land-holders were adherents of Great Britain, but most
of the historic families of the colonial days were patriots,
exercising controlling influence in their State, and they
made themselves felt in the national government. The
Clintons, the Livingstons,^ the Yan Rensselaers, the Gane-
voorts, the De Lanceys, the Duers, the Jays and the Schuy-

1. Livingston " informed me he held 300,000 acres of lanA."— Journal of Charles
CarroU to Canada, in 1776. Van Kenselaer had a grant of twenty miles on each
Bide of the Hudson.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 143

lers, and their associates, were very important personages at
the Colonial and Revohitionary period.

In no part of the Repnblic are the changes and advance
of our country more strikingly illustrated than in this val-
ley. A hundred years ago, and Fort Stanwix vt^as the
frontier post; the bark canoe of the Mohawk and Oneida
Indians, and the flat-boat of the pioneer, bore the few sup-
plies and exchanges taken to and from Albany to the set-
tlers. !N"ow the journey from the site of Fort Stanwix at
Kome, past Utica, through this picturesque valley to
Schenectady and Albany, is along a canal and railway that
convey the travel and the trade of the continent, and over
which pass a number of passengers and an amount of com-
merce nowhere exceeded in the world.

John Burgoyne, the leader of the expedition, which it
was confidently hoped would end the war, had seen service
and "won a brilliant reputation as a soldier, in Portugal.
He was connected b}^ marriage with the noble house of
Derby ; was popular with the peoi3le, a favorite at court
and in the army; and every means was placed at his com-
mand which could contribute to the success of his enter-
prise. His troops, grenadiers, infantry and artillery were
of the best in the British army. He had under him Major-
General Phillips and General Fraser, a gallant Scotchman,
both regarded as possessing extraordinary skill and ability;
about four thousand German troops, commanded by Gen-
eral Rediesel, and a large number of Canadians, Indians
and Eoyalists, made up a force numbering in all nine or
ten thousand men. In arms and appointments, in every-
thing which could make his army effective, nothing was
omitted.

On the 24th of June, this carefully prepared engine of
destruction moved along the old historic war path towards
Crown Point. General St. Clair occupied Ticonderoga and

144: LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Mount Independence — the former the old fortress into which
Ethan Allen and Arnold had marched side by side, on the
10th of May, 1775. Fort Independence had been con-
structed since that time. Together, these two posts com-
manded a narrow passage of the lake, and this had been
so obstructed as, it was believed, would prevent the passage
of vessels; but unfortunately both these fortiiications were
themselves completely commanded by high and accessible
elevations, called Sugar Loaf Hill and Mount Hope, and
through a strange oversight these commanding positions
had been left unoccupied.

The British arrived in the neighborhood of Ticonderoga
on the 2nd and 3d of July, and discovering that Sugar Loaf
Hill was unoccupied, and finding on investigation that it
was practicable to place a battery on its summit, during the
night of the 4th a road was made and a battery placed on
the top, and it was then christened by the British " Mt.
Defiance," as from it the guns of the Americans in Ticon-
deroga could be defied. At dawn of day on the 5th, SL
Clair was startled by the intelligence that the British flag-
was floating from the top of the mountain, and the scarlet
uniform of British soldiers could be seen placing heavy
guns in battery which overlooked and commanded his posi-
tion. A council of war was called, which decided the posi-
tion of the Americans to be untenable, and arrangements
were immediately made for retreat. The forts were aban-
doned. St. Clair attempted to escape by stealth, but his
movement was discovered and he was hotly pursued by the
enemy, who captured guns, material of war, baggage and
stores in large quantities.

Farther up the lake at Skenesborough, the troops hearing
that Ticonderoga had been abandoned, set fire to the ves-
sels, the fort, the mills and block-houses, and retreated to
Fort Anne. Burgoyne reported to Lord Germain that

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 145

the American army at Ticonderoga " was disbanded and
totally ruined." This was an exaggeration ; the pursnit was
checked at Hnbberton, by Warner and Francis, and St.
Clair I'eached Fort Edward witli fifteen hundred continental
troops.* But the retreat and abandonment of the defenses,
which were supposed to be strong, and before wdiich the
country confidently believed the enemy would be checked
and held at bay, if not repulsed, cast a deep gloom over the
people. Both Schuyler and St. Clair were severely censured.

The Indians who accompanied the expedition, emboldened
l)y this success, and thirsting for blood and plunder, began
to bring in scalps, and hanging on the out-posts of the
advancing columns, frequently murdered unarmed parties,
and their ferocity was often exhibited in the ruthless scalp-
ing of the settlers, not sparing women and children.

On the 27th of Julj^, Jane McCrea, a beautiful girl of
twenty years of age, betrothed to David Jones, a loyalist and
Lieutenant in the British service, while riding from Fort
Edward to the British camp, escorted by two Indians, was
cruelly killed and scalped. This sad tragedy, made more
touching by the beauty of the victim, has for a century
been the theme of poetry and romance. The horrid drama
has been told in various and conflicting narratives, and the
exact truth is involved in some obscurity; but that it
touched the heart and nerved the arm of every loyal father,
brother, and lover in the American settlements, far and
near, there is no dispute. Each realized the possibility that
such might be the fate of his own wife, daughter, sister or
betrothed; and the story told at the fireside of so many
homes, aroused a hatred toward the British, then accused
of exciting the savages against the Americans, which,
in the neighborhood of the tragedy has not died out
to th'> day. The accusation, so far as Burgoyne was

1. Lossing's rielcl Book of the Revolution.
10

146 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

concerned, has long been known to have been unjust. He
was shocked by the event, caused " the assassin to be hunted
out, and threatened him with death, but pardoned him on
beino; told that the total defection of the Indians would have
ensued from putting his threat into execution." ' But the
touching storj of poor Jenny McCrea brought hundreds of
volunteers to oppose Burgoyne, who might otherwise have
remained at home.

The fall of Ticonderoga and the retreat of St. Clair
alarmed the patriots, gladdened the loyalists, and fixed the
wavering Indians to what they now regarded as the strong-
est side. Yet heavy as was the loss, it is not clear but that
in the end it was for the advantage of the American cause.
If Burgoyne had been repulsed from the fortifications at
Ticonderoga, having command of the lake, he could at all
times have made good his retreat; but he was now advanc-
ing so far into the interior that he must either get through
to Albany or be captured. His advance south and beyond
water communication with Canada, secured the capture of
his whole army. Yet at the time the disasters of the Amer-
icans in the north, and the approach of Burgoyne wath his
Indian allies, caused a depression and anxiety scarcely
equalled during the war. In this dark hour it appears that
both "Washington and Schuj-ler, each of whom knew Arnold
well, thought of him as the fittest officer to send forward to
lead, and as "Washington said in his letter to Congress, "to
animate the militia that may assemble for checking Gen-
eral Burgoyne's progress;" and he adds: "being more and
more convinced of the important advantages that will
result from his presence and conduct, I have thought it my
duty to repeat my wishes, that he may set out without a
moment's loss of time for that purpose." " " He is active,

1. Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. IX, p. 372.

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 490.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 147

judicious and brave," and " I have no doubt of his adding to
the honors he has already acquired." ' Congress, notwith-
standing the strong prejudice which some of the members
entertained against Arnold, yielded to these repeated
requests of Washington, and he was ordered to the north-
ern frontier.

Pleased with such an endorsement, which soothed his
wounded pride, and flattered by being selected for the post
of danger, Arnold instantly set forward, declaring he
would serve under anybody or anywhere, so that he could
serve his country, and that he would trust to the justict, of
his claims for future reparation. How much Washington
expected from him appears from a letter to General Heath,
dated July 19, 1777: "I have sent General Arnold up to
join Schuyler. * * I hope with Arnold's assistance, in
whom the army, and militia particularly, have great confi-
dence, matters will be put in a more forward train." ^

On the 16th of July, 1777, Washington writes to Schuy-
ler from "The Clove:"

" Upon my requisition, General Arnold, waiving for the present all dis-
pute about rank, left Philadelphia, and arrived here last evening, and
this day proceeds on his journey to join you. Although he conceives
himself, if his promotion had been regular, as superior in command to
General St. Clair, yet he generously, upon this occasion, lays aside his
claim and will create no dispute, should the good of the service require
him to act in concert. I need not enlarge upon the well-known activity,
conduct and bravery of General Arnold. The proofs he has given of all
these have gained the confidence of the public, and of the army — the
Eastern troops in particular. " '

On the same day Washington, to encourage the ofiicers
of the militia, announced to tliem that their favorite, Gen-
eral Arnold, was to command them. He addressed a letter

" To the Brigadier Generals of Militia in the western parts of Massa-
chusetts and Connecticut," saying: "General Arnold, who is so well

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington. Vol. IV, p. 487,
2 Mass. His. Vol., Vol. IV, p. 67. Heath Papers.
3. Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, pp. 408-9.

148 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

known to you all, goes up at my request to take the command of the
militia in particular, and I have no doubt but you will, under his conduct
and direction, repel an enemy from your borders who has brought sav-
ages with the avowed intent of adding murder to desolation." '

Starting without delay from the camp of Washington
and traveling rapidly, he arrived in July at Fort Edward,
and joined General Schuyler. The army was preparing to
move a few miles down the Hudson and take a position
near Moses Creek. The forces were divided into two divis-
ions, one of which was put under the command of Arnold.
Schuyler retreated to Stillwatei-, the British taking posses-
sion of Fort Edward. While here, intelligence reached
Arnold that the question of his rank had been brought up
in Congress, and on the ayes and nays — then for the first
time called in the Continental Congress — decided against
him.*^ In the face of the letters of Washington to Con-
gress in reference to Arnold, his military record, and his
conduct in the present expedition, this action seems very
strange and cruel. Indignant, mortified and wounded, he
asked permission to resign, but by the persuasion of his
old friend. General Schuyler, who represented to him the
" absolute, necessity " of his services at so critical a mo-
ment, he, with a magnanimity and patriotism rivaling that
of Schuyler himself, withdrew his request. He was yet, by
his heroic services and by his blood, to extort from Con-
gress the rank which in the judgment of Washington Avas
so unjustly withheld.* Writing to Gates, then his friend,

1. Writings of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 500.

It was at this time, while Arnold was the guest of WashiDgton, and being
" Brother Masons," they visited together a Masonic Lodge. They received a broth-
erly welcome, and each signed his name on the records of the Lodge. The record
is in existence, and the name of Washington stands, but some zealous patriot, in
his hatred of his treason, has drawn black lines across the name of Arnold. How
deplorable that Arnold should have caused the alienation of Washington— sepa-
rating forever these " Brothers of (he Mystic tie. '

2. Journal of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 319.

3. Washington to Lincoln, advising him that Arnold had been restored to his
rank, says : " Arnold is restored to a violated vighV-Sparks' Writings of Washington,
Vol. V, p. 217.

HIS PATRIOTISM AJs^D HIS TREASON 149

Arnold says, alluding to the action of Congress, " Ko pub-
lie or private injury or insult shall prevail on me to loi-sake
the cause of my injured and oppressed country until I see
peace and liberty restored to her, or nobly die in the at-
tempt." *

AVhile at Stillwater, intelligence reached Schuyler that
St. Leger, accompanied by Sir John Johnson and the cele-
l)rate.d Mohawk chief, Joseph Brant, in command of the
Indians, had reached and closely invested Fort Schuyler.
Peter Gansevoort, a brave, active, firm and determined offi-
cer, was in command. When he heard of the approach of
St. Leger and his Indian and tory allies, he appealed to
Schuyler for aid, setting forth the dreadful condition of
the inhabitants of Tryon County, if the fort should be
taken, and the scattered and defenseless settlers given up
to the cruelties and atrocities of the Indians. The garrison
had been strengthened by Colonel Marinus Willett, a brave
and skillful officer, from the city of Xew York, with his
regiment and provisions and military stores.

St. Leger had arrived on the 3d of August, and sur-
rounding the fort with Indians, who, by their yells and war
whoops, sought to intimidate the garrison, demanded a sur-
render, which Ganesvoort peremptorily refused. Meanwhile,
General Herkimer having heard that the enemy were
approaching across Oneida Lake towards the valley, called
on the militia of Tryon county to rally to the rescue. They
responded zealously, and from the scattered hamlets and
settlements gathered in and met at Fort Dayton, on the
German Flats in the Valley of the Mohawk, and on the
day when St. Leger invested Fort Schuyler, Herkimer was
at Oriskany marching to its relief.

The sister of the Mohawk chief sent word to him that

1. Letter from Arnold to Gates, Aug. 5, 1777. Manuscript letter in Gates' papers,
Vol. IX p. 42, in the Kew York Historical Society.

150 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Herkimer was approachino;, and tliis skillful warrior on con-
sultation with Sir John Johnson and St. Leger, determined
to go out and meet Herkimer, and in accordance with
Indian modes of war, prepared an ambush for his destruc-
tion.

Herkimer, on the 5th of August, sent messengers appris-
ing Ganesvoort of his approach, and requesting him to
signal the arrival of the messengers by the rapid discharge
of heavy guns, and that he should also make a sortie from
the fort, thus co-operating with Herkimer, who would ad-
vance at the sound of the guns, and fight his way to the
garrison.

The morning of the 6th came, and Herkimer waited im-
patiently for the signal, but no guns were heard. The ofii-
cers of Herkimer, eager to go forward, pressed him to
advance; but the brave, yet cautious old soldier, then sixty-
four years of age, still waited for the signal. Some of his
subordinates still urged him, and a quarrel ensued, in which
the ofiicers called him a " tory and a coward," and at length
provoked him to give orders for the advance. Herkimer's
messengers had been delayed, and did not reach the fort
until ten or eleven o'clock of the morning of the 6th.
Most of the Indians and tories called "The Greens," had
left their camp to intercept Herkimer. Ganesvoort had
noticed the quiet in St. Leger's camp, and the arrival of
Herkimer's messengers explained the ominous silence. The
Indians and their allies had gone to waylay and ambush
the Americans. Ganesvoort ordered Colonel Willett to
sally out and co-operate with Herkimer. That ofiicer (Her-
kimer), at about mid-day, marching without much precau-
tion through the defiles of the forest, was suddenly assailed
on every side by Brant and his followers. The war-whoop
of the Mohawks, the Senecas, the Onondagas, and of all
the Six ^Nations except the Oneidas, resounded through the

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 151

forests, and there now occurred one of the most bloody
conflicts of the war. " The slaughter was dreadful."

The Indians and their allies had arranged the ambush
with great skill. Hiding in the forests, they had formed
nearly a circle, leaving an opening for Herkimer and his
troops to enter, and when, unaware of danger, all had
passed in except the rear-guard, which fled, the Indians
closed the gap, shutting the trap, and then, with a yell that
thrilled the hearts of the assailed, a thousand rifles blazed
upon the surprised and doomed Americans. It seemed at
first that the whole force would be annihilated, but many
of these men were accustomed to Indian warfare. Instantly
seeking cover behind trees, those who survived the first
onset fought with desperate valor. Herkimer, although
his horse was shot dead under him, and his leg broken just
below the knee by a musket ball, behaved with the greatest
heroism. He ordered his saddle removed from his dead
horse, and placed beneath a large beech tree, and seating
himself upon the saddle, with his back against the tree, he
continued to issue his orders, and animate his men to
maintain the fight. After nearly an hour's hard fighting,
and great slaughter on both sides, the enemy began to close
in and concentrate upon the Americans; the " Greens " and
" tory rangers " charging with the bayonet, the patri-
ots forming themselves into circles and repulsing the
charges. TJius the bloody work went on, with a fury and
rancour which rarely was stayed for mercy or quarter, and
was checked only when a clap of thunder silenced for a
moment the crack of rifles and the yells and shouts of the
combatants. This was followed by such a deluge of rain
as instantly to render the fire-arms unserviceable. Both
parties paused and sought shelter under the trees. During
this pause the leaders were busy preparing to renew the
conflict as soon as the rain should cease. When the rain

152 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

slackened tlie battle rapped again witli undiminished fury.
In the midst of this conflict, guns were heard from the
direction of Fort Sclmyler ; it was the attack of Colonel
Willett on the pai-tiallj deserted camp of Sir John Johnson.
Willett captured a large quantity of clothing, stores, camp
equipages, five British flags, and carried them into the
Fort without the loss of a man. The British flags were
immediately run up on the flag-staflf and hung under the
colors of the United States, a flag of stripes of red and
white, lately improvised and rudely made up from the gar-
ments of the soldiers and their wives. The firing from the
direction of the Fort caused the Indians to lalter, and they
soon gave way and fled in all directions. This bloody
battle, known as the "Battle of Oriskany," was, in propor-
tion to the numbers engaged, one of the most destructive
during the war. It was not a decisive victory for either
party. The Americans remained in possession of the field,
but the conflict did not relieve Fort Schuyler ; the British
and Indian forces returning to the siege, so closely invested
it that no reliable information of the battle reached Ganse-
voort. The gallant Herkimer was taken to his home near
the Little Falls, on the Mohawk, and died a few days after
the battle. His name has been appropriately given to the
village and county of his residence, where his memory is
still cherished.

St. Leger claimed a victory at Oriskany^ and again de-
manded a surrender of the fort, declaring to Ganesvoort
that nothing could save the garrison from massacre by his
savage allies but immediate surrender. Ganesvoort indig-
nantly refused, and determined to hold out to the last ex-
tremity. He dispatched Colonel Willett, with Lieutenant
Stockwell as guide, to General Schuyler for relief. At night,
in the midst of a violent storm, they left the fort; crossing
the Mohawk upon a log, and crawling upon their hands and

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 153

knees, tliey passed the line of sentinels undiscovered, and
after many hardships, on the 12th of August reached the
lieadquarters of General Schuyler/ He had already heard
of the battle, and was devising means for the succor of
Gansevoort. He fully appreciated the sufferings which
would follow the fall of Fort Schuyler. He knew that the
tomahawk, the scalping knife and the midnight torch,
would desolate, scatter and destroy the patriot settlements
all along the Yalley of the Mohawk, and through Tryon
county, and that the victorious Indians and tories, flushed
with success, would come down " like an avalanche " upon
Schenectady and Albany, and swell the approacliing army
of Burgoyne.

Arnold, writing to Gates, says :

"These infernal savages, painted like furies, are continually harrassing
nnd sca'pirig our people, and the miserable, defenceless inhabitants.
Whole families of the latter have been inhumanly butchered, without dis-
tinction of age or sex; and some (I am credibly informed) have been
roasted alive in the presence of the polite and humane British army.
* * * This is the protection many poor deluded wretches have ex-
perienced from the British arms, who remained quietly in their homes,
agreeably to General Burgoyne's proclamation." ^

Schuyler, therefore, from motives alike of comj^assion for
the settlers who appealed to him as to a father for pro-
tection, as also for military reasons, determined to relieve
the beleaguered garrison. He called a council of war, and
proposed to the officers assembled, to send a detachment up
the Mohawk. Most of the officers, except Arnold, opposed
this proposition, on the ground that the entire army was
already too weak to resist Burgoyne.

Schuyler became very much excited by their opposition.
Walking rapidly up and down the council room, and
smoking vehemently, he overheard some one say, "Ad
means to weaken the armyT'' He had been charged with

3. Lossing'sPict. Hist, of the Kevolution, Vol. 1, p. 250.

2. From Gates' Papers, Vol. IX, p. 42, in New Yorli Historical Society.

154 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

cowardice, and even with treason, by liis prejudiced ene-
mies. Crnsliing into fragments with his teeth the clay
pipe which he was smoking, he paused, raised his head,
and looking over the group of officers, said with dignity:
" Gentlemen, I shall take the responsibility upon myself;
Fort Stanwix and the Mohawk Yalley shall be saved!!
Where is the Brigadier who will command the relief? I
shall beat up for volunteers to-morrow." Arnold, though a
Major- General, and second in command, indignant that his
friend should be so wronged, instantly volunteered. Im-
pulsive, ever ready for deeds of daring, knowing how false
and cruel were the imputations cast upon Schuyler, he at
once offered his services, and they were most gratefully ac-
cepted. On the next morning the drums were beating
through the camp for volunteers, and it was announced that
Major-General Arnold had offered to lead them, and before
noon eight hundred men had volunteered to follow him to
the rescue of Gansevoort. Schuyler, giving Arnold his in-
structions, says: "It gives me great satisfaction that you
have offered to go and conduct the military expedition in
Tryon County." *

Many of Arnold's volunteers were of the brigade under
General Learned, some of which had already been sent by
Schuyler into the valley of the Mohawk.

"Washington, writing to Schuyler August 21st, says :
" If the militia keep up their spirits * -^ * they will,
with the reinforcements under General Arnold, be enabled
to raise the siege of Fort Schuyler, which will be a most
important matter just at this time." ^

With such portion of his troops as could move rapidly,
Arnold pushed on with his usual energy to Fort Dayton,
on the German Flats, arriving on the 20th of August. On

1. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 288.

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 37, and Carringtou's Battles, p. 325.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 155

tlie 21st ]ie called a council of war, consisting of Brigadier-
General Learned and the six Colonels who commanded the
regiments which constituted his command. By a friendly
Oneida Indian, corroborated by Colonel Willett, the coun-
cil was informed that the force before Fort Schuyler was
not less than seventeen hundred men, besides tories, while
the force under Arnold was only nine hundred and thirty-
three. Under the circumstances, the council resolved that
it would be "imprudent" and "too hazardous" to attempt
the relief of Fort Schnyler until reinforcements had ar-
rived. '

1. The following is a copy of the proceedings of the council, from Gates' papers
in manuscript, Vol. IX. p. 70, in New York Historical Society :

"At a council of war held at Fort Dayton, German Flats, August 2Tst, 1777, present :
The Honorable Major-General Arnold, President; the Honorable Brigadier-General
Learned, Col. Bailey, Col. Livingston, Col. Wesson, Lt. Col. Van Dyck, Lt. Col.
Brooks, Lt. Col. Willett, members.

" The General informed the council that previous to his leaving Albany, Gen-
Schuyler had sent a belt and message to the Oneidas to meet at Albany, and had
intrusted him (Gen. Arnold) to engage as many of them as possible in our service,
and had furnished him with some presents for them, in consequence of which he
had dispatched a messenger to them, requesting they would meet him at the German
Flats ; as yesterday they did not arrive, he had given orders for the army to march
for Fort Schuyler this morning, since which a deputation from the Oneidas and
Tuscaroras had arrived, acquainting him that the chief of both tribes with their
families would be here the day after to-morrow, requesting a meeting with us ; one
of the Oneidas who had lately been at the enemy's encampment, also informed that
all the Six Nations, except the two tribes above mentioiied, had joined the enemy,
the whole with foreign Indians amounting to fifteen hundred, by the enemy's
account. The Oneida, who is known to be a fast friend of ours, says, that from view-
ing their encampment, he is fully convinced there is upwards of one thousand
Indians, and from the best authority their other forces are near seven hundred,
besides some tories who have joined them since their arrival. Col. Willett, who
lately left the Fort, being present, is fully of opinion the above account is nearly
true.

"The General then acquainted the Council that by the returns delivered this
morning, our whole lorce, rank and file, efi"ectives, are nine hundred and thirty-
three, and thirteen artillery men, exclusive of a few militia, the whole not exceed-
ing one hundred, on whom little dependence can be placed; at the same time re-
quests the opinion of the Council whether it was prudent to march with the
present force and endeavor to raise the siege of Fort Schuyler, or to remain at this
place until a reinforcement can be solicited from below, and more of the militia
turned out to join us, and until the Oneidas had determined if they would join us,
of which they give encouragement.

"Jiesolved, That in the opinion of this Council, our force is not equal to that of the

156 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD.

High-sounding proclamations had been issued early in
the campaign by both Burgoyne and St. Leger, and that of
St. Leger had been signed also by Sir Jolm Johnson and
others, holding out inducements to the inhabitants to join
the royal cause, and containing fearful threats against those
who should refuse.

Learning that these proclamations had had some influence
upon the people, on his arrival at the German Flats, Arnold
issued a counter-proclamation, modeled somewhat after
those which had been issued on the other side. The sever-
ity and plainness of his language ma}'- doubtless be attrib-
uted in part to the Indian outrages, of which the murder
of poor Jane McCrea, which had been lately perpetrated,
was an instance. He denounced St. Leger's force as " a
banditti of robbers, murderers and traitors, composed of
savages of America, and more savage Britons." He offers
'• all concerned pardon, provided Mdthin ten days they lay
down their arms, sue for protection, and swear allegiance
to the CTnited States of America;" but declares if they
" persist in their wicked career, determined to draw upon
themselves the just vengeance of Heaven and of this exas-
perated country, they must expect no mercy from either."'

enemy, and that it would be imprudent and putting too much to the hazard to
attempt to march to the relief of Fort Schuyler, until the army is reinforced ; the
Council are of the opinion that an express ought immediately to be sent to Gen.
Gates, requesting he will immediately send such a reinforcement to us as wiU
enable us to march to the relief of the Fort, with a probability of succeeding, and
that in the meantime the army remain at the German Flats, at least until an
answer can be had from Gen. Gates, and that all possible method be taken to per-
suade the militia and Indians to join us.

"B. Arnold, President."

1. The following is a copy of the proclamation :

"By the Hon. Benedict Arnold, Esq., MajorGeneral and Commander-in-Chief of
the Army of the United States of America, on the Mohawk River.

" Whereas, a certain Barry St. Leger, a British General in the service of the

George of Great Britain, at the head of a banditti of Robbers, Murderers and Trai-
tors, composed of Savages of America and more savage Britons, among whom is a
noted Sir John Johnson, John Butler and Daniel Claus, have lately appeared on
the frontiers of this State, and have threatened ruin and distruction to all the
inhabitants of the United States.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 157

Meanwhile, some of the garrison at Fort Schuyler, hear-
ing nothing from Colonel Willett, and seeing no signs of
relief, began to consider whether it would' not be wiser to
save themselves from threatened massacre by surrender;
but their determined commander resolved that if no succor
reached him, when his provisions were exhausted he would
march out some dark night with his troops, and cut his way
through his besiegers, or die in the attempt. But this des-
perate expedient was rendered unnecessary by the skill and
strategy of Arnold. He had been detained a short time at
Fort Dayton for supplies, baggage and ammunition, to over-
take him, and for the "militia, who were now coming in in
great numbers." ' He now^ sent word to Gansevoort that
he was coming. On the 22nd, having heard that St. Le-
ger's approaches had reached very near the fort, notwith-
standing the sup]30sed superiority in numbers on the part
of St. Leger, and notwithstanding the resolutions of the
council of war, that it would be imprudent to attempt to
relieve Fort Schuyler until reinforcements should arrive, he
determined " to push forward and hazard a battle rather
than see the garrison fall a sacrifice." ° On the 21st of
August he wrote to General Gates: "I leave this place
(the German Flats) this morning with 1200 Continental

" They have also, by artifice and misrepresentation, induced many of the ignorant
and unwary subjects of these States to forfeit their allegiance to the same, and
join them in their atrocious crimes and parties of treachery and parricide. Human-
ity to these poor deluded wretches, who are hast-ning blindfold to destruction,
induces me to offer them and all others concerned, whether savages, Germans, Amer-
icans or Britons, pardon, provided they do wi;hin ten days from the date hereof,
come and lay down their arms, sue for protection, and swear allegiance to the
United States of America. But if, still blind to their own safety, they obstinately
persist in their wicked courses, determined to draw on themselves the just ven-
geance of Heaven, and of this exasperated country, they must expect no mercy
fromcither.

"B. Arnold, Major-General.

' Given under my hand at Head Quarters, German Flats, 20th of Ausust, 1777."

—Gates' Papers, N. Y. His. Society.

1. Letter from Arnold to Gansevoort, Aug. '12, 1777.

2. Stone's Campaign of Burgoyne, p. 212.

158 LIFE OF BEI^EDICT AENOLD.

troops and a handful of militia, for Fort Schuyler, still be-
sieged by a number equal to ours. You will hear of my
being victorious or no more. ^' * As soon as the safety
of this part of the country will permit I will fly to your
assistance." On the 23d lie wrote again to Gates, inclosing
copy of the proceedings of the council of war, and say-
ing that he had determined to hazard a battle rather than
suffer the garrison to fall a sacrifice, and that he was
marching for Fort Schuyler." *

On the morning of the 23d he was making a forced
march up the Mowhawk with a part of his force, and
had proceeded about ten miles from his camp when he met
an express from Gansevoort announcing that the siege had

1. The following is the text of his letter:

"MOAVHAWK ElVER, 10 MiLES ABOA'E FOET DaYTON, "I
^\ug't23, 1777, 5 0'clockP. M. J
D EAR General :

" I wrote you the 21st Inst, from the German Flatts, that from the best intelligence
I could procure of the Enemy's strength, it was much superior to Ours ; at same time
Inclosed you Coppy of the resolutions of a Council of Warr, and requested you to
send me a reinforcement of One thousand Light Troops. As the Enemy had made
their approaches within Two hundred yards of the Fort, I was determined at all
events to hazard a Battle rather than suffer the Garrison to fall asacrifise; this morn-
ing Imarched from the G. Platts for this place : the excessive bad roads and necessary
precautions in Marching thro' a thick wood retarded us so miich that we have but
this moment reached this place, where I have met an Express with the Inclosed
Letter from Colo. Gansevoort, acquaints me the Enemy had yesterday retired from
Fort Schuyler with great precipitation; I am at a loss to Judge of their real in-
t ntions; whether they have returned home or retired with a view of engaging
us on the road ; I am inclined to the former from the acco't of the Deserters,
and from their leaving their Tents and considerable Baggage, which our people
have secured.

" I shall immediately Detail Abt. Nine hundred Men and make a forced March to
the fort in hopes of coming up with their rear, and securing their Cannon and
heavy Baggage.

"My Artillery, Tents, &c., &c., I shall leave here ; the Batteaus with Provisions fol-
low me. As soon as the security of the Post will Permit, I will return with as
many Men as can be spared. As I come down in Batteaus, shall be able to make
great dispatch.

" I have sent an Order for the Light Troops if you have sent any, to return to you
immediately, and the Militia to go home.

" I am, Dear General, Your Affectionate, "Obed., Hble.Srvt.,

"B. Arnold.

" Honble. Major-General Gates."

—Gates' Papers, Vol. IX, p. 00, N. Y. Hist. Society.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 159

been raised. Gansevoort did not at first understand it, bnt
Arnold grimly smiled at the success of a Ruse De Guerre,
which he had practiced. It was this : His troops had
caj)tured a Mohawk Dutchman named Hon Yost Schuyler
or Cuyler, whose residence was near the Little Falls. In
company with Lieutenant Butler and some others, he had
been arrested within the American lines at a public meet-
ing at which Butler, making a speech, was endeavoring
to persuade the people to join the Roj^al cause. The parties
so taken were tried by court-martial as spies, and both
Butler and HonYost convicted and sentenced to death.
HonYost is said to have been a singular combination of
cunning and shrewdness in some things, with a want of
sense approaching idiocy in others ; so that the Indians on the
Mohawk regarded him as one stricken by the Great Spirit.
They regarded him with the mysterious respect and wonder
mingled with awe, with which the red man regards the
insane and the idiot. Those thus stricken by the Great
Spirit they always treat with a certain respect. Living
much with the Indians, HonYost had joined the tories.
His aged mother and his brother hearing that he
was a prisoner and had been sentenced to be hung,
hastened to Arnold at Fort Dayton, and implored him
to spare his life. It is a touching trait of a mother's love
that her devotion to her child, so unhappy as to be phys-
ically a cripple, or mentally defective, is greater than tliat
for her more fortunate children not thus afflicted. The
mother of poor HonYost was not an exception, and the
touching pathos and eloquence with which she plead for
the life of her afflicted son, are told to this day in the legends
of the Mohawk Yalley. ^ Arnold for a time affected to be
firm against all her pleadings, but finally said that he would
spare the prisoner's life on one condition. Knowing how
HonYost was regarded by the Indians, Arnold proposed

I. stone's Campaign of Burgoyne, p. 213.

160 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD,

that lie slionld hasten to the camp of St. Lcger, and alarm
the besiegers by the report of Arnold's near and rapid
approach with overwhelming nnmbers, and thus raise
the siege. If Hon Yost accomplished this, his life
should be spared. lie and his mother gladly accepted
the proposal, and she offered herself as a hostage for his
good faith. This Arnold declined, but insisted that his
brother Nicholas should be retained as such hostage, know-
ing that while he held him he had all the security which
the influence of both mother and brother could give in favor
of the good faith of the prisoner. This was assented to,
and Nicholas went into the prison in place of his brother,
pledging his life for Hon Yost's fidelity.

An arrangement was also made with an Oneida Indian
to aid in the experiment. Before they started several bul-
lets were shot through the cwat of the Dutchman, to give
color and probability to the story that, a prisoner, he had
escaped at the hazard of his life.

Thus prepared, he and the Oneida started, it being ar-
ranged that the Indian, as he approached the camp of St.
Leger, was to separate from his companion and go in alone,
corroborating the Dutchman in his story of the vast num-
bers who were approaching, and thus aid in creating a
panic.

The Indians in St. Leger's camp were already impatient
to get away; they had suflered severely in the battle of
Oriskany; they had been disappointed in the success and
plunder they had anticipated; and rumors of Arnold's ap-
proach had already reached them. It is said they had met
and were in council to consult the Maiiitou as to their
future movements, when at the very moment HonYost,
the mysterious and Manitou-stricken one, was suddenly
brouo-ht before the council. He was cunning, and his life
and that of his brother, as he believed, depended on Jiis
success.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. IGl

Exhibiting liis garments riddled with bullets, he declared
lie had barely escaped death from tlie approaching foe, and
had hastened on to tell his red brethren of the coming
enemy and of their danger. The chief inquired the num-
ber of Arnold's troops and he pointed to the leaves of the
trees. He was taken to the tent of St. Leger, and repeated
his story, cunningly mixing truth and falsehood ; he gave
St. Leger an account of his capture with Lieutenant Butler,
of which that officer had already heard, then of his trial
and condemnation. He said on his way to the gallows,
knowing he could but die in the attempt, he had made his
escape ; a whole volley had been fired at him, but fortu-
nately the balls had passed through his clothes without
wounding him. By this time the Oneida arrived in the
camp bringing a belt, and told the Indians that the Ameri-
cans were approaching in great numbers under their war-
chief Arnold; that they did not wish to fight tlie Indians,
bnt were determined to destroy the British troops, tories,.
rangers and Greens.

These stories had the desired efiect; the Indians prepared
to leave. St. Leger tried in vain to induce them to remain.
The tales started by HonYost, corroborated by the Oneida,
flew throughout the camp, a panic arose, and the whole
body of the Indians fled. The tories and troops followed,,
and a rnmor reaching them that Arnold was just behind
them, they threw away their knapsacks, arms, and whatever
would encumber their flight. Perhaps Curtis was some-
what extravagant in saying that " Arnold, volunteering tO'
relieve Fort Stanwix, had by the mere terror of his comino-
blown St. Leger away." ' Yet it is clear that there was at
that time no name among the American officers whose ap-
proach would be more likely to produce such a result than
his. HonYost, after going with tlie flying Indians a short

1. Centennial Address of Geo. W. Cur is at Bemis' Heights, Oct. 7, 1877.
11

162 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

distance, fell behind and returned to Fort Schuyler, and
gave Gansevoort the lirst information lie had that Arnold
was approaching by forced marches.'

Then he hastened back to Arnold, his brother Nicholas
was set at liberty, and the old mother returned liome jo}''-
fully with both her sons.

Arnold pushed on to Fort Schujder, hoping to overtake
and caj)ture the fugitives. He was received with a salute
of artillery, and the cheers of the brave garrison. Ganse-
voort had followed the retreating St. Leger, but so precipi-
tate had been his flight, that he could not be overtaken, but
liis tents, artillery, provisions, and camp eqiiipage fell into
the hands of the Americans. Thus ended the siege of Fort
Schuyler, and thus, tln'ough the efforts of Herkimer, Wil-
lett, Gansevoort and Arnold, tlie right arm of Burgoyne's
expedition, from which so much had been expected, was
lopped oflF, and the British commander's reliance for aid
and co-operation from St. Leger and his powerful Indian and
tory allies, in all the Mohawk Yalley and west to Lake
Ontario, was destroyed. It was a hard blow for Burgoyne,
and contributed largely to his final overthrow. Arnold
returned in triumph to the main army on the Hudson,
receiving as he passed, the thanks of the settlers, whose
homes and families his success had rendered safe.

1. " FOHT Schuyler, 22ni3 August, 1777.
" Dear Sir:

" This morning at 11 o'clock I be^an a Heavy Canonade upon our Enemies'
Works, which was immediately returned by a Number of Shells and Cannon. About
:! O'clock several Deserters came in, who informed me tliat General St. Leger wit.i
his Army was retreating with the utmost precipitation ; soon after w^hich I .sent out
a party of About Sixty Men to enter their camps, who soon returned and confirmed
the above Accounts.

■' About 7 O'clock this Evening, Hon Yost Schuyler Arrived here and informed
me that General Arnold, with Two Thousand Men, were on their March for this
Post, in Consequence of which I send you this information.
" I am, Dr. Sir, yours, &c.,

"Peter Gansevoort, Colo.
" To the Hon'ble General Arnold,
or Officer Commanding
the Army on their March to Fort Schuyler.
" pr.favoutofl
Serj't Myrcs." / —Gates' Papers, Vol. IX, p. 75, in K. Y. His. Soc.

CHAPTER IX

FIRST BATTLE NEAR SARATOGA.

" But for Arnold that eventful day, Burgoyne would doubtless have marched into
Albany at the autumnal equinox, a victor."— iossmi;.

Battle of 19th of September— Arnold Leads the Troops to Victory— Ebrok
OF Bancroft— Testimony of Cols. Vakick and Livingston, Generals Schtiy--
LER, Burgoyne, and others— Verdict of Irving, Lossing, and others.

The decisive campaign of the American Revolution
approached its crisis. The battles of Saratoga, resulting
in Burgoyne's surrender, have been selected by a distin-
guished English historian' as the conflict in American his-
tory to be ranked among the fifteen great battles of the
world.

Arnold returned from his successful expedition up the
Mohawk in high spirits. He had been absent twenty days,
and had succeeded without loss, in raising the siege of
Fort Schuyler, dispersing the Indians and tories, and driv-
ing St. Leger back to the Lakes.

Kow he arrived in the camp of the main army, sanguine
of success, full of zeal, and impatient for the approaching
conflict. His sagacious military eye perceived that Bur-
goyne, the brave and chivalric soldier, and the courtly gen-
tleman, with his small but magnificently appointed army,
was doomed to defeat and capture.

Eager for military glory, still young and full of hope, and

1. Creasy.

(163)

164 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

yet proudly and bitterly recalling the refusal of Congress
to give him the rank which Washington thought he had so
well earned, he was determined to connect his name with
the approaching conflict. Many an English sailor and
soldier besides E"elson, has gone into battle with the senti-
ment, " Victory, or Westminster Abbey."

Arnold's desperate valor and reckless personal exposure
in both the battles which resulted in the surrender of Bur-
goyne, indicate that with him it was a fixed determination
to extort from Congress his proper rank, or die on the field.

Two events had occurred while he had been absent on the
Mohawk, both of great importance to his country, and one
influencing largely, perhaps fatally, his own future, the de-
feat and capture of Colonel Baum, near Bennington, and
the change in the command of the army from Schuyler to
Gates.

Burgoyne, suffering for provisions himself, learned that
there had been collected at Bennington a depot of beef,
corn and other needed supplies intended for the American
army. Bennington was about twenty miles from the Hud-
son, and was guarded by militia only, and Burgoyne, in
need of these very supplies, hoped to surprise Bennington
and capture the stores. He ordered Colonel Baum with
about five hundred men, to march to Bennington for that
purpose, and soon after sent Lt.-Colonel Breyman to Bat-
ten-kill to be within supporting distance, as he supposed,
of Baum.

The approach of the British was discovered by Colonel
Stark at Beimington, and he immediately called on Colonel
Warner at Manchester, to hasten to his aid. At the same
time he appealed to the militia and yeomanry of the sur-
rounding country to rally to his assistance, and he soon
found himself at the head of a force considerably outnum-

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 1G5

On the sixteenth of August, after a severe battle, in
which Stark and his men behaved with great courage, Col-
olonel Baum and his whole force were compelled to sur-
render.

Brejman came up while the Americans were collecting
the spoils of victory, and for a moment threatened to turn
the tide of success against them; but Colonel Warner, arriv-
ing at the critical moment, drove the enemy from the field,
and pursued tJiem over hills and through forests, until
night put an end to the conflict, capturing guns and baggage.
At daylight, on the morning of the seventeenth of August,
Burgoyne was awakened by the tidings that Baum was
killed, and that his command were all prisoners, and that
Breyman was struggling to make good his retreat to the
main army.

While Arnold had been absent, Schuyler occupied the
islands at the fords of the Mohawk, where it empties into
the Hudson. He had been making every effort in his power
to gather together the means of successfully repelling the
menacing enemy. Many of the members of Congress
from 'New England entertained strong prejudice against
Schuyler, and were very slow to recognize his noble charac-
ter and sterling virtues.

On the nineteenth of August Gates arrived in camp, and
by command of Congress (Washington declining to make
the ungrateful selection), superseded Schuyler in command
of the northern army. ISTothing could be more magnani-
mous and patriotic than the conduct of Schuyler on the exe-
cution of this cruel order. He had prepared the means of
victory, and now when the hour of triumpli approached,
an intriguer, who, Bancroft declares, "had no fitness for
command, and wanted personal courage," * was placed at
the head of this army which Schuyler had contributed so

1. Bancroft, Vol. IX, p. 407.

166 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

\sirge\y to raise, and he was now about to gather the laurels
which Schuyler was prepared to win; but such was the
patriotism and generosity of Schuyler, that he manifested
no resentment, and did everything in his power to contrib-
ute to the success of his unworthy rival.

It will be remembered that in the campaign of 1776,
Gates and Arnold had been very intimate, but the careful
reader of the correspondence between them, and between
Schuyler and Arnold, will observe that while there is
familiarity between Gates and Arnold, there is in the
letters of Arnold to Schuyler a tone of respect not to be
discerned in the letters to Gates, Still there was as yet no
coldness on the part of Arnold towards Gates. So far from
it, he says, writing to Gates from the German Flats, "as
soon as the safety of this part of the country will permit, I
will fly to your assistance." '

Arnold was now with the main body, ready to assist and
co-operate with Gates to the utmost. The left wing of the
army was at Loudon's Ferry, on the south bank of the Mo-
hawk, five miles above its junction with the Hudson. Two
brigades and Morgan's famed riflemen were there. Soon
after Arnold's arrival in camp the entire army was concen-
trated on and near Bemis' Heights, Arnold commanding
the left wing, composed of the same troops which had been
at Loudon's Ferry.

The British were approaching, and Gates was about to
throw his army across Burgoyne's path, and intercept his
march towards Albany. It was deemed important to select
with care the best position to check such advance and re-
ceive the attack. Arnold therefore, says Irving, " recon-
noitered the neighborhood in company with Kosciusko, the
Polish engineer, in quest of a good camping ground, and

1. living's Life of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 196.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 1G7

at length fixed upon a ridge of liills called Bemis' Heights,
which Kosciusko proceeded to fortify." '

Dui'ing the few daj-s which preceded the battle of the
nineteenth of September, Arnold continually annoyed the
enemy by skirmishing and attacking the parties engaged
in repairing roads and bridges." A German officer says:
"• We had to do the enemy the honor of sending out whole
regiments to protect our workmen."

" It was Arnold," says Irving, " who provoked this
honor. At the head of fifteen hundred men he skirmished
with the superior force sent out against him." ^*

1. Irving's Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 239.

2. Lossing's S chuyler, Vol. II, p. ^ >,

3. Irvings Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 242.

4. Manuscript letter of Vol. Varick to Schuyler, Sept. 1.5, 1777, as follows:

"HEA.D QuT's, Sept. loth, 17;7.

"Dear General:— Yesterday Afternoon 1 had the pleasure of attending General
Arnold on a Reconnoitering party, to pick out Ground for a New Camp. We took
our Departure in Company with Mr. Lan.^ing, Col. Chris. Yates, and three liglit
Horse, all along the heights on the West of the River, up Hill and down Dale, till
we came to Sword's House, where we fell iu with Colo. Morgan's Party of Riflemen
and Infantry, and the Genl's Aids, and took the road along the river till we
reached the House on this side Blind Morris— here the troops were halted, and
Livingston, wiih Lansing and two horse, advanced till they should discover some
person or movement of the enemy ; agreable to orders they advanced till near
Colo. Van Vechten, and were followed by the Genl's Aids, and there discovered a
party supposed to be the advanced picket of the enemy, of about 100, ou the Hill
North of Van Vechten. I went In pursuit of the "ioung Gentlemen as far as
the Bridge between the Hill and the Bridge at Colo. Van Vechten's, where I met
them on their return. I found the Bridge in the same Plight in which our Army
left it on their retreat from Saratoga.

" The enemy discovered our party, and we had a fair prospect of them from the
hill beyond Morris on the banks of the Dove-Gat— they appeared to be parading
without the beat of drums.

" On our return we were in hopes of the Genl's ordering a party to attack them,
but it being near Evening, the Gen'l tho't more prudent to return. When we re-
turned at we heard our Evening Gun, but none from the Enemy.

"Upon the whole it is supposed that Burgoyne will advance this way and attack
us. It may be that this manouvre of his is to cover the Retreat of his Cannon and
baggage ; however it is hardly probable. On my Return I am honored with your
j>olite favor of the 11th, for which I am much obliged to you. I suppose by this
time you have reed two of my letters of the 13th, giving you an account of Colo.
Wilkinson's Expedition.

"I most sanguinely expected to have been at Saratoga by this day, but am much
disappointed, and am now convinced that no Carriages can pass the Road in less

168 LIFE OF BEN^EDICT ARNOLD.

He Avas generally successful, and took manv prisoners,
and thus encouraged and animated the trooj)s.

At this time there began to appear a coolness on tlie part
of General Gates towards General Arnold. Gates havino-
succeeded in his intrigue against Schuyler, was already
dreaming of superseding Washington himself.* Washing-
ton's kindness to Arnold, his efforts with Congress for his
promotion, and for the restoration of his proper rank, were
well known; and Gates naturally and rightly assumed that
Arnold could not be induced to become a partisan of liis
against the Commander-in-Chief." Besides, Arnold was
known to be a friend of Schuyler, Colonel Henry Brock-
hoist Livingston, who had been on the staff, and Colonel
Yarick, the Secretary of General Schuyler, when their chief
left for Albany remained in camp, and the former was now
acting as aid to General Arnold.^

than two or 3 days. As soon as I am happy Enough to get there, I shall cheerfully
comply with your reauests, and prevent any injury being done to your buildings
and fences as far as my influence with the Genl. and other Gentlemen will extend.
Ihave no doubt of Gen. Gates complying with the request.

" Gen. Arnold is this day gone out with a large party. I don't know his inten-
tions; probably to try the east side of the river, as he seemed very desirous to have
a prospect of the enemies' camp from the high hill on that side. If he proceeds on
this side, he may fall in with some of the Enemy.

" We found no height yesterday large enough for our camp.

"Mr. Lansing and Livingston join in their respects to you. Be good enough to
make them to Mrs. Schuyler and Miss Peggy. I am much obliged to them for their
good wishes.

" I am, with every respectful,
" faithful sentiment,
" Your most obliged,

" RlCHAED VAEICK.

" To the Hon. M. Genl.,

"Schuyler."

The Schuyler papers. This and other letters quoted from the Schuyler manu-
scripts are now, for the first time, printed in full. These Schuyler papers are of
great historic value.

1. "He (Gates) aspired to thechief command of the continental armies, indulged
in the egotistical idea that he knew better how to move them than did the Virgin-
ian General, and that the New EngJand delegates would support him in such pre-
posterous claims.' —Lossing's Schmjlei-, Vol. II, p. 182.

•2. The scheme to supersede Washington by Gates "originated with three men,"
Conway, Gates and Mifflin, the latter one of the junior Brigadiers, who had been
promotedover Arnold.— Space's Writmfjsof Wasldngton, Vol. F, pp. a90 onrf iS3.

3. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 3-11.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 169

Yarick was also much of the time with Arnold, and
these young officers, known to be in the confidence of Schuy-
ler, excited the jealousy of Gates.

Livingston writes to Schuyler on the twenty-third of
September, after the quarrel between Gates and Arnold had
become open and notorious, " the reason for the present dis-
agreement between tioo old cronies^ is simjyly this: Arnold
is your friend y ^

Yarick, writing to Schuyler on the 22nd of September?
says: "He (Arnold) has the full confidence of the troops
and they would fight gallantly under him." ^

Having stated these circumstances, I now proceed to de-
tail the events of the nineteenth of September:

The army was at Bemis' Heights. The camp, which had
been, as before stated, carefully selected by Arnold, and
fortified by Kosciusko, was situated on the west bank of
the Hudson, and extending, from the margin of the stream
across a narrow fiat, and then across a ridge of hills called
Bemis' Heights, and thence on to other hills still farther
west. Kosciusko had caused breastworks to be thrown up
in front three-quarters of a mile long, with a strong bat-
tery at each end and one in the center; on the riglit across
the low ground near the river, an entrenchment was thrown
up, and on the bank was a strong battery protecting a float-
ing bridge whicli crossed the river. On the morning of
the eighteenth, Burgoyne moved down within two miles of
the American camp, and prepared for battle. He was sur-
rounded, by a brilliant array of distinguished officers — Ma-
jor-General Philips, Generals Fraser, Hamilton and Pow-
ell, and the German General, Piedesel, the Earl of Balcar-
ras, Colonel Breyman, Major Ackland — all officers of great
merit and distinction.

1. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 351.

2. Schuyler papers.— MSS.

170 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Gates' head-quarters were some distance soutli of the line
of breastworks, and behind Bemis' Heights ; Arnold's were
7iorth and west of Gates' quarters, and west of the line of
breastworks.

The morning of the nineteenth the sun rose bright, and
the air was clear and bracing; a hoar frost whitened the
ground. The hostile armies now confronting each other,
were so near that the morning gun and drum-beat of each
could be distinctly heard by the other. Each army extended
from the bank of the river westward over the hills. The
right wing of the Americans, under the immediate com-
mand of Gates, and composed of Glover's, Nixon's and
Patterson's brigades, occupied the hills near the river and
the flats on its margin.

The left, under the command of Arnold, consisting of
Poor's brigade, made up of Cilleys', Scammel's and Hales'
Kew Hampshire troops, and Yan Conrtland's and James
Livingston's New York regiments, the Connecticut militia,
Morgan's riflemen and Dearborn's infantry.* These were
posted on the hills, three-quarters of a mile west of the
river. The center was composed of Learned's brigade, of
Massachusetts, and New York troops.

The left wing of the British, with the very powerful train
of artillery, rested on the flats near the river; the center
and right wing composed largely of German troops, ex-
tended west on the hills, and were commanded by Burgyone
in person, and with them were Fraser and Breyman with the
light infantry. The front and flanks were covered by the
Indians, Canadians and Loyalists.

Philips and Piedesel were to march down the road on the
bank of the river. The Canadians and Indians were
to attack the outposts of the Americans, while Burgoyne
and Fraser, with the grenadiers and light infantry, were to

1. Irving's Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 241,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 171

inarcli tlirong-li tlie forests behind the hills, and assault the
left flank and rear of the Americans. As most of the
ground was covered with a dense forest, the movements were
to be regulated bj signal-guns. "When Burgyone and Fraser
had effected a junction, three heavy guns were to be iired
as a signal for an attack on the flank and rear of the Ameri-
can left, and for a general assault along the whole line.
American lookouts were stationed in the tops of trees on
high ground, and the unusual activity in the British camp
was soon reported to the American officers. The glitter of
moving arms, the bright scarlet uniforms, and the moving
of flags, indicating that the enemy was forming his line of
battle, were observed and reported at the headquarters of
Arnold and Gates, and at ten A. M. it was announced that
the British were coming, moving down in three divisions.
Philips and Riedesel with the artillery, were marching down
the river road ; Burgoyne with the center followed the
stream now forming "Wilbur's Basin, south and west ; and
Fraser and B.reyman started on their circuitous route to
reach the flank and rear of the American left.

Arnold, watchful and eager for the fight, to whom these
movements were known, was anxious to go out and meet
the enemy. "Gates," says Lossing, "gave no orders and
evinced no disposition to fight." * His officers were impa-
tient. Arnold " urged, begged and entreated " ^ permission
to lead his troops to the attack, and at length he obtained
permission to send Morgan's riflemen and Dearborn's in-
fantry out to meet the enemy.

They soon met the Canadians and Indians and dispersed
them. Following their advantage with too much eagerness,
they became scattered, and a strong reinforcement of the
enemy coming up, they were obliged to fall back, and the

1. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 344.

2. Colonel Varick. Letter quoted hereafter.

172 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

brave partisan, Morgan, for a moment thouglit his renowned
corps was "ruined;" but sounding loudly his shrill wood-
man's whistle — known to them as the "turkey call" — the
riflemen gathered around their chief, and the regiments of
Scammel and Cilley coming up, the fight was kept up with
equal fury. Meantime Burgoyne and Fraser were moving
rapidly to fall on the front and flank of the American left.
The center under Burgoyne reached a clearing called Free-
man's farm, while Fraser, farther west, marched rapidly
south, hoping to turn the American left. Arnold at the
same time attempted to cut Fraser off from his connection
with Burgoyne. Arnold and Fraser met about sixty yards
west of Freeman's cottage,' and a bloody conflict ensued.
" Arnold led the van of his men and fell upon the foe with
the fury and impetuosity of a tiger. By voice and action
he encouraged his troops.'"*

He was met by overwhelming numbers. Fraser rapidly
turned and attacked Arnold's rigiit. Arnold rallied his
troops, and being reinforced, and now leading the regiments
of Cilley and Scammel, and Dearborn, Hale and Brooks,
attempted to break through the British lines and separate
Fraser from the center. " He made a rapid counter-march,
and his movements being masked by the wood, suddenly
attempted to turn Fraser's left." Here he threw himself
upon it with a boldness and impetuosity which threatened
to cut the wings of the army asunder. ^ But the grenadiers
and Breyman's riflemen hastened to its support, and Gen-
eral Philips, hurrying through the thick woods and over
the hills, came hastening up from the extreme left, and just
at the moment wdien victory seemed to be crowning the
efforts of the Americans.

1. Lossing's Field Book, Vol. I, p. 52.

2. Lossing's Field Book, Vol. I, p. 52.

3. living's Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 244.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 173

Is'ow Burgoyne, Fraser and Philips were leading and
encouraging their forces, and Sergeant Lamb, a British
writer, says: "For four hours a constant blaze of fire was
kept up, and both armies seemed to be determined on death
or victory." ^ Arnold had brought his whole division into
action and called for re-enforcements, but they were i-efnsed.
Lossing says: "Had he (Arnold) been seconded by his
commander, and strengthened by re-enforcements * *
he would doubtless have secured a complete victory." He
adds: " But for Arnold, on that eventful day, Burgoyne
would doubtless have marched into Albany at the autum-
nal equinox, a victor." " Night put an end to the conflict,
which the British themselves declare to have been the most
obstinate and hardly fought of any ever experienced in
America.

Arnold rode a grey horse during the conflict, and near
night ("evening," as Wilkinson says), went himself to
the camp of Gates for re- enforcements. Wilkinson states
the incident as follows: '

" Gates and Arnold were together in front of the camp.
Major Lewis came in from the scene of action, and
announced that its progress was undecisive. Arnold imme-
diately exclaimed: 'By G — d! I will soon put an end to it '
— and clapping spurs to his horse galloped off at full speed.
I was instantly-- dispatched by Gates after Arnold, overtook
and ordered him back, lest he might do some ' rash act' "

Arnold having blackened by his treason the fame hith-
erto so brilliant as a soldier, some historians* and writers
have denied that he was on the battle-field of Saratoga
at all!

1. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 349,

2. Los«ing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 348.

3. Wilkinson's Memories, Vol. I, p. 245.

4. Notably Bancroft.

174 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

Let us inquire who led tlie American forces on this event-
ful day; or was the battle fought without any leader?

It is not claimed by any one that Gates was on the field,
or that he had anytliing to do with the battle, except to
yield to Arnold's importunity and permit him to send
Morgan and Dearborn to the front ; when he saw Scammel's
battalion marching out, "he asked where the troops were
going, and on being told, he declared no more troops should
go — he would not suffer the camp to be exposed." *

Who then did lead ? This battle was full of skillful
maneuvers and evolutions, beginning at mid-day and last-
ing till night ; and Burgoyne and Phillips, and Fraser and
Itiedesel, skillful and able men, were all on the field- skill-
fully guiding and directing the British troops. Was the
battle on the American side fought without a leader? Was
there no guiding spirit? Such an improbable statement
would never have ajDpeared on the pages of any respectable
writer, if the man m- ho ably led and valiantly fought that
battle had not afterwards betrayed his country.

But let us be just to this man, even though his name be
Benedict Arnold.

A brilliant and fascinating, but not always accurate,
historian, has said : "Arnold was not on the field." ^

If so, this was the first time he was ever near a battle-
field and not at the head of his troops. He commanded the
left wing, and this was the object of Burgoyne's skillfully
arranged attack ; his troops fought gallantly, maneuvered
skillfully, met and foiled by skill and valor every attempt
of Burgoyne for five long hours; and we are told they did so
without their leader, without any leader ? The statement
is utterly incredible, and can be demonstrated to be untrue.

This is Mr. Bancroft's language:

1. Colonel Varick, Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 349.

2. Bancroft's History of United States, Vol. IX, p. 411.

HIS PATRIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 175

"On tlie British side three Major-Generals caine on the
field; on tlie American side not one, nor a Brigadier till
near its close;" and in a note he adds: "Arnold was not on
the field. So witnesses AVilkinson, whom Marshall knew
personally and believed. So said the informer of Gordon.'-' '
Let US examine the evidence: Wilkinson was the Adju-
tant-General of Gates. He was then a young man of
twenty, an enemy of Arnold, pert, ofiicious and vain.
Gates' headquarters were behind Bemis' Heights, and from
these quarters the battle-ground could not be seen.^ More
than tliirty years (1816) after the battle, AVilkinson pub-
lished his memoirs, and while the just indignation against
Arnold for his treason was fresh, and when everything to
his prejudice and nothing to his credit, found its way into
print, makes this statement:

" It is worthy of remark, ihnt vot a single general officer was on the
field of battle on the nhteteenth of September, until the evening, when
Geneial Learned wtis ordered out. About the same time General Gates
and Arnold were in front of the center of the camp, listening to the peal
of small arms, when Colonel M. Lewis returned from the iield and
reported the indecisive progress of the action, at which Arnold ex-
claimed : ' By G — d, I will soon put an end to it,' and clapping spurs to
his horse, galloped off at full speed. Colonel Lewis observed to Gates,
' You had better order him back ; he may, by some rash act, do mischief.'
I was instantly dispatched, overtook, and remanded Arnold to camp."^

This was at " evening." It was the first time Wilkinson
speaks of seeing Arnold that day. Arnold's intelligence
of Burgoyne's approach was received at mid-day. Colonel
Yarick says, " It is evident to me he (Gates) never intended
to fight Burgoyne till Arnold urged, begged and entreated
him to do it." * Where had Arnold been from noon until

1. Bancroft's History of United States, Vol. IX, p. 410. But Marshall himself says :
"Arnold with nine Continental regiments and Morgan's corps was completely en-
gaged with the whole right wing of the British &rmy."— Life of Washington, Vol.
II, p. 275.

2. Stone's Burgoyne's Campa-'gn, p. 71.

3. AVilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, pp. 245-C.

4. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 349.

176 LIFE OF BEIv^EDICT AEXOLD.

" evening " during the four or five hours in which his whole
division had been fighting ?

At "evening" Arnohl appears "mounted" in front of
the center of the camp, finds Gates, and the moment a re-
port is brought in that the action is " indecisive " he ex-
claims: "Bj G — d, I will soon put an end to it," and
clapping spurs to his horse, gallops off at full speed, and is
only restrained by the peremptory order of Gates. This
conduct certainly does not indicate a man who had been for
four hours away from the field of battle on which his own
soldiers were hotly engaged. It was a strange spectacle for
the chief to arrest the second in command when spurring
to the front under circumstances above stated. It may well
be that "Wilkinson did not see Arnold on the field of battle
during the day. The battle-ground was uneven, and most
of it covered with forest, so that no general view could be
had of the field.

I^either Arnold's head-quarters, nor any considerable por-
tion of the battle-field were visible from Gates' head-quar-
ters.' Wilkinson's proper position when not executing an
order, was near his chief, and Gates, somewhat rudely
reminds his staff-officer of this; as Wilkinson says, "about
half past twelve o'clock, a report of small arras announced
Morgan's corps to be engaged in front of our left. The
General and his suite were examining the battery, which
had been commenced on our left. I asked leave to repair
to the scene of action, but was refused, with this observ^a-
tion:" "It is your duty, sir, to await orders." If he had
repaired to the scene of action, he would doubtless have
seen Arnold in the fight as usual. But not being permitted
to go to the scene of action, he did not, and could not see
Arnold until the incident at "evening," already described.

But let us examine and see what is implied by the corres-

1. Burgoyne s Campaign, by Charles Neilson, p. I-IO.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 177

pondence of these officers at that time. On the twenty-
second of September, Arnold having lieard tliat Gates, in
his report of the engagement transmitted to Congress, had
made no mention of his division, nor of himself, indignant
at this treatment, writes to Gates, saying: " On the nine-
teenth, when advice w^as received, that the enemy was
approaching, I took the liberty to give it as my opinion
that we ouglit to marcli out and attack them. Yon desired
me to send Colonel Morgan and the Liglit Infantry, and
support theinj I obeyed your orders, and before the action
was over, / found it necessarj'- to send out the whole of my
division to support the attack. No other troops were engaged
that day except Colonel's Marshall's regiment." ' These
facts, not denied by Gates, are entirely inconsistent with the
statement of Wilkinson, and show that Arnold obtained
leave to "march out and attack, and that to that end he
had obtained leave to send Colonel Morgan and the Lio-ht
Infantry, and that he did " support them;" and that before
the action was over, he found it necessary to " snpport "
them by "the wdiole of my (his) division."

These statements of Arnold, made three days after the
battle, in a letter complaining of Gates' injustice to his
troops, {/" true, establish the fact that the battle of the
nineteenth of September w^as fought by Arnold's division,
under his leadership. Is it likely that Arnold, in tlie camp
of Gates, and in the presence of the wliole army, would
make statements which, if untrue, would be instantly
known to be false, and stamped as such? And if he had
been guilty of such folly, would not Gates — then Arnold's
bitter enemy — and liis Adjutant-General, have then and
there contradicted the statement? But the statement was
not contradicted by Gates; it was not until more than thirty
years had gone^-by,- that Wilkinson says that not a single

1. Arnold to Gates, Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 254.
12

178 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

fi^eneral officer was on the field. As criticisms of Wilkin-
son's statements, by various historians and writers, will be
quoted liereafter, I forbear further comments, and will pro-
ceed to present the clear and positive testimony of impar-
tial eye-witnesses, showino^ that Mr. Bancroft's allegation
— based on Wilkinson's — that Arnold was not on the field,
is erroneous. Wilkinson was a bitter enemy of Arnold,
and a partizan of Gates, but there were in the camp at the
time of the battle, two gentlemen of high personal charac-
ter, and every v/ay entitled to full credence — Colonel Kich-
ard Yarick,' who had been the secretary, and Colonel
Livingston, who had been the aid ot General Schuyler.
Colonel Livingston was now the aid of General Arnold,
and of course, as such, knew perfectly well what Arnold
was doing on the day of the battle. Three days thereafter,
and when Arnold, indignant at Gates' treatment of his
division and of himself, threatened to leave, Livingston, in
a letter to Schuyler says :

" When the general officers and soldiers heard of it, they were greatly
alarmed. * * * They had lost confidence in Gates, and had the
highest opinion of Arnold. ^ To induce him (Arnold) to stay, General
Poor proposed an address from the general officers and Colonels of his
division, returning him thanks for his services, and pariicularhj for
his conduct (hiring the late action, and requesting him to stay. ^ The
address was framed and consented to by Poor's officers. Those of
General Learned refused. They acquiesced in the propriety of the
measure, but were afraid of giving umbrage to General Gates, ' ' * — a paltry
excuse for officers of rank to allege for not doing their duty. Finally a
letter was written to Arnold, and signed by all the general officers,
excepting Lincoln, urging him to remain, for another battle seemed
imminent.^

1. Afterwards on the staff of Washington, Mayor of the city of New York, and
Attorney-General of the State.

2. Quoted from Schuyler papers, in Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 351.
S. Schuyler Papers.

4. Livingston to Schuyler, September 23d.

5. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol, II, p. 35L

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 179

Col. Varick, writin^^ from ArnolcVs camp to Scliuyler on
tlie 22nd, three days after the battle, says:

"Gates seemed to be piqued that Arnold's division had the honor of
beating- the enemy on the 19th. This I am certain of: Arnold has all the
credit of the action ; and this I further know, that Gates asked where
the troops were going when Scanimel's battallion marched out, and
upon being told, he declared no more troops should go; he would not
suffer the camp to be exposed. Had Gates complied with Arnold's
repeated desires, he would have obtained a general and complete victory
over the enemy. But it is evident to me he never intended to fight
iiurgoyne until Arnold urged, begged and entreated him to do it."^

Colonel Yarick, in another letter, alluding to the quarrel
between Arnold and Gates, says: "I apprehend if Arnold
leaves us we shall move, unless the enemy moves up the
river. He has the full confidence of the troops, and they
would fight gallantly under him." '^

Writing to Schuyler, Yarick says:

" Camp, Wednesday, 9 o'clock A. M., )
" Sept. 24, 1777. )

"Your very polite favor of the 21st was delivered me yesterday by
Maj. Franks. I have anticipated the answer in mine of 22d at 11 o'clock
P. M., and the 23d in the morning, with reference to Arnold and Lincoln.
The former will, I believe, remain till the action we expect this day or
to-morrow, is settled, although he had received his permit to go down
yesterday morning. * * I am happy that Arnold has decided to stay.
I have no doubt of some hot work this day. Many discharges have
already happened in the woods. "^

In another letter of the 24th, Yarick says :

" General Arnold is so much offended at the treatment Gates has given
him, that I make not the least doubt the latter will be called on, as soon
as the service will admit. " *

On the 25th September, Schuyler, replying to Yarick's
letter of 21st, says:

1. Schuyler Papers— MSS. I refer also to Lossing's Life of Schuyler. Vol. II, p. 349,

2. Schuyler Papers— MSS. Varick to Schuyler, Sept. 22, 1777.

3. Schuyler Papers. Varick to Schuyler, Sept. 24, 1777,

4. Schuyler Papers— MSS.

180 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

" A report prevails tha": a second fracas has happened between Gates
and General Arnold, and I hope it is not of such a nature as to oblidge
that gallant officer to leave the army. If he does, I shall be far, very far
from being so easy as I feel myself, in the reflection that he is with
you."^

And on the 25tli of September, Sclinyler, in reply to
Yarick, says:

"I am pleased to hear that our gallant friend. General Arnold, has
determined to remain until a battle shall have happened, or General Bur-
goyne retreats. Everybody that I have conversed with on the subject of
the dispute between Gates and him, thinks Arnold has been extremely
ill-treated. He (Gates) will probably be indebted to him (Arnold) for
the glory he may acquire by a victory; but perhaps he is so very sure of
success that he does not wish the other to come in for a share of it." ^

Such are the statements of Colonel Yarick. Colonel
Livingston's statements are not less explicit and con-
clusive.

In a letter to Schuyler dated " Camp, Bemis' Heights,"
Sept. 23d, 1T77, he says:'

" I am much distressed at General Arnold's determination to retii-e
from the army at this important crisis. His presence was never more
necessary. He is the life and soul of the troops. Believe me. Sir, to
him alone is. due the honor of our late victory. Whatever share his
superiors may claim, they are entitled to none. He enjoys the confidence
and affection of officers and soldiers. They would to a man follow him
to conquest or death. His departure will dishearten them to such a de-
gree as to render them of little service."

1. Schuyler Papers— MSS.

2. Schuyler to Varick, Sept. 25, 1777. Schuyler MSS.

3. Schuyler MSS.

This is the text of the letter :

"Camp AT Bemis Feig HIS, >
" Kept. 2a, 1777. j

" Dear Sir :

"I am this moment honored with your favor of the 21st by Major Franks. General
Lincoln arrived here last night, and part of his infantry came to-day; the re-
mainder are expected to-morrow. I wrote to you some time since of his having
detaciied two parties to Ticonderoga and Fort Independence. Colonel Varick has
given you the particulars of their success. I cannot persuade myself that the
mount will be taken.

" I am much distressed at General Arnold's determination to retire from the Army

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 181

The next day, Sept. 24th, Arnold having in consequence
of the expectation of an engagement, determined to re-
main, Livingston hastens to write to Schuyler, saying, " as

at this important crisis. His presence was never more necessary. He is thelife and
>;nul of the troops. Believe me, Sir, to him alone is due the honor of our late
Victory; whatever share his superiors may claim, they are entitled to none. He
enjoys the confidence and affection of his officers and soldiers. They would, to a
man, follow him to conquest or death. His departure will dishearten them to such
a degree as to render them of little service.

" The diflference between him and Mr. G. has arisen to too great a height to
admit of a compromise. I have for some time past observed the great coolness, and
in many instances, even disrespect, with which General Arnold has been treated at
Headquarters. His proposals have been rejected with marks of indignity. His own
orders have been frequently countermanded, and himself set in a rediculous light
by those of the Commander-in-Chief. His remonstrances on those occasions have
been termed presumptuous. In short, he has pocketed many insults for the sake of
liis country, which a man of less pride would have resented. The repeated indig-
nities he received at length roused his spirit and determination again to remon-
strate. He waited on Mr. Gates in person last evening. Matters were altercated in a
very high strain. Both were warm— the latter rather passionate and very assuming
Towards the end of the debute Mr. G. told Arnold 'He did not know of his being
a Major-Gen eral. He had sent in his resignation to Congress. He had never given
him the command of any division of the Army. General Lincoln would be here
in a day or two, and that then he should have no occasion for him, and would give
him a pass to Philadelphia, whenever he chose.'

"Arnolds spirit could not brooke this usage. He returned to his quarters, repre-
sented what had passed, in a letter to Mr. G., and requested his permission to go to
Philadelphia. This morning, in compliance to his letter, he received a permit by the
way of a letter directed to Mr. Hancock. He sent this back, and requested one in
proper form, which was complied with. To-morrow he will set out for Albany. The
leason of the present disagreement between two cronies is simply this: Arnold is
your friend. I shall attend the General down, chagrining as it may be for me to
leave the army when an opportunity for any young fellow to distinguish him-
self. I can no longer submit to the command of a man whom I abhor from my
very soul. His conduct is disgusting to every one, except his flatterers and de-
pendants, among whom are some who profess to be your friends. A cloud is gath-
ering, and may erelongburst on hishead. * * Lt. Arden is just returned with eight
Tory prisoners. He made a tour as far as Saratoga— was in your house, which he
found is much damaged. The glasses are entirely gone, the paper ruined and
frame much injured. The barn and other out-buildings are safe. Two letters were
taken from one of the Tories are from Burgoyne to Brig. Pond, in which he says^
' We left 500 dead on the field.' He is silent as to his own loss. He begs that St.
Leger maybe hastened on. The Indians you have sent us are of great service ; not
a day passes without their taking some prisoners. Make my best respects to Mrs.
Schuyler and family.

" I am, dear General, &c.,

" Henry B. Litingstox.
" General Philip Schuyler."

182 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

the enemy are liourly expected. General Arnold cannot
think of leaving camp." ^

On the 26th of September, Livingston wrote again to
Schuyler, saying:

" It gives me pleasure to inform you that General Arnold intends to
stay. When the general officers found him determined to go, they
thought it necessary to take some measures to induce him to continue in
the army. They have accordingly written him a letter (signed by all but
Lincoln), requesting him not to quit the service at this critical time. He
has consented, though no accommodation has taken place."

In the same letter he speaks of an attempt being made
to have the writer turned from Gen. Arnold's family.

1. Schuyler MSS. The following is the text of the letter of 2ith Sept

? AT Bejus' ]
" Sept. 2i, 1777.

Camp at Bejus' Heights, 1

"DeaeSik:

" I wrote you last evening and was in hoires to have had the pleasure of seeing
you to-day, but as the enemy are houily expected, General Arnold cannot think rf leaving
camp. Three deserters came in this morning, and it was rumored in the camp
when they came off, that we were to be attacked this day. Burgoyne yesterday
harrangued the soldiers, and told them he was determined to leave his bones ou
the field or force his way to Albany. He has about one month's salt provisions iu
his camp. Three Tories were just now brought in by the Oneidas; they confirm the
report of the deserters, and add that the enemy acknowledged publicly to have lost
700 killed and wounded in the late battle, and plume themselves with a confidence
that our loss might have been at least double.

" General Arnold's intention to quit this department is made public, and has
caused great uneasiness among the soldiers. 1 o induce him to stay. General Poor
proposed an address from the geneial oflQcers and colonels of his division, return-
ing him thanks for his past services, and particularly for his conduct during the
late action, and requesting him to stay. The address was framed and consented to
by Poor's oflBcers. Those of General Learned refused. They acquiesced in the
propriety of the measure, but were afraid of giving umbrage to General Gates— a
paltry excuse for officers of rank to allege in excuse for not doing their duty. As
this method has failed, I see no other way left to bring about a reconciliation but
by the interposition of the General officers. This has been proposed to Lincoln.
He is now anxious for Arnold's stay, and will push the matter. I hope he may
succeed, as I think he is an officer of too much moment to be neglected— though it
may be a mortifying situation for any Gentleman of spirit to submit to the petulent
humors of any man, be his rank ever so high.

*• I am with due respect and esteem. Sir,
" Your friend,

" Henrv B. Livingston.

" Major General Schuyler."

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 183

" Maj. Chester," ' says he, "attempted to bring about a reconciliation.
For this purpose he consulted with the Deputy Adjutant-General, and in
the course of their conversation was told that some overtures were
necessary on Arnold's side; that Gen Gates was jealous of me, and that
I had influenced Arnold's conduct, and that of course it was necessary to
g-et rid of me to open a way for accommodation. When this was told to
Arnold, he could not contain himself, and desired Chester to return for
answer: ' that his judgment had never been influenced by any one, and
that he would not sacrifice a friend for the 'face of clay.'' " *

1. The same Maj. Chester with whom Livington fought a duel in defense of
Arnold, or about a matter growing out of the quarrel between Gates and Arnold.

2. The^ following is the text of Livingston's letter (letter of Sept 26).

" Camp at Bemis Heights, )
" c-ept. 26, 1777. ;

"Dear Sir:

'• I am favored with yours of the 25th, and am much obliged for the intelligence
you gave me; lam particularly happy to hear that the enemy have left New
Jersey, 'i hat state has had its share of the calamities of war, and needs some
respite to recover itself.

" It gives me pleasure to inform you that General Arnold intends to stay. When
the General Officers found him determined to go, they thought it necessary to take
some measures to induce his continuance in the array. They have, accordingly,
wrote him a letter (signed by all but Lincoln) requesting him not to quit the Service
at tliis critical moment. He has consented, though no accommodation has talien
place. * *

" I find myself under the necessity of returning to Albany, merely to satisfy the
caprice and jealousy of a certain great person. It has b^en several times insinu-
ated by the Commander-in-Chief to General Arnold, that his mind has been
poisoned and prejudiced by some of his family, and I have been pointed out as the
person who had this undue influence over him. Arnold had always m;ide proper
replies on these occasions, and despised the reflection. But since the last rupture,
another attempt has been made in a low, indirect manner, to have me turned from
General Arnold's family. Major Chester (who, by the way, is an impertinent
pedant) attempted to bring about a reconciliation. For this purpose he consulted
with the Lieu't-Adj'tGeneral, and in the course of their conversation was told
tliat some overtures were necessary on Arnold's side; that General Gates was
jealous of me, and thought I had influenced Arnold's conduct, and that of course
it was necesary to get rid of me to open a way for accommodation. When this was
told to Arnold he could scarcely contain /limse'f, and desired Chester to return for
answer: that his judgment had never been influenced by any man, and that he
would not sacrifice a friend to please the 'Face of clay.'

" Arnold told me what had passed, and insisted on my remaining with him. As
I find this cannot be done consistently with the harmony of these two gentlemen,
I shall leave camp to-morrow. I purposed to have set oflT to day, but Arnold in-
sisted on my staying at least this day, lest it should appear like a concession on his
part. I have taken no pains to cure any one of these jealousies but let their own
feelings prompt them.

'• Two deserters have come in this morning; they say, this is the day fixed to at-
t.ick us. I believe theze will be (paper torn). General Arnold sends his bist wishes

181 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

The statements of Yarick and Livingston, that Arnold
was on the field and led his troops, settle beyond contro-
versy the facts in relation to Arnold's conduct on the 19th
of September, and show the estimation in which he was
held by his fellow soldiers. One cannot read the glowing
testimony of Judge Livingston in regard to Arnold's

to you. He would write, but is prevented by business. Mine wait on Mrs. ^ chuy '
]er aud family. I am with great esteem.

" Your affectionate humble servant,
" Henry B. Livingston.
" Major General Schuyler."

—Schuyler MSS.

Also letter of Colonel Varick, as follows:

" Cajip, Sept. 25th, 1777, 7
" 7 o' clock, P. M. ]■
" Dear Gen'l :

" This afternoon I was honored with your very polite favor of this Date.

"As to the subject of Dispute between the Gentlemen mentioned in Yours, the
encloFcd from Major Livingston will inform you further. It seems that it is a heart-
sore to your success, or that our Major should live with Arnold. He has thrown
out in an unmanly manner, that Arnold's mind was poisoned by some of those
about him— here I feel myself touched, although the person alluded to in mine of
(I think) the 19th, who affects great friendship for you, was polite enough to tell
Major Chester, Livingston's antagonist, that the first step towards an accommoda-
tion will be to get rid of Livingston. This Arnold was informed of, but disdained
so ignoble an act. Livingston has too much regard for his country to remain,
when by sacrificing his own pleasure, he may possibly promote its weal ; this how-
ever is but ostentiUion. As I conceive the hint to be intended (by Gate's friend) for
me also, I shall avoid as much as possible going to Arnold's, lest I may be the
ostensible cause of Dispute. Livingston will go down to-morrow, and if there is no
probability of an action by Saturday or Sunday, I shall follow him, though it
would give me more pleasure if 1 could see Saratoga first; this pleasure I fancy I
should have this day enjoyed, if General Gates had either furnished Arnold with
troops on the 10th, or permitted us to go out on the 20th while the Enemy were in
confusitm, and are now in high spirits and rejoicing in their past Victory, A Victory
I will not call it when we drove them from the field of battle, which was of no fur-
ther use tons when night came on, and we retireddeliberate'y toour camp, leaving
them to bury our Dead the next day— A day, the loss of which we may severely
regret.

"The enemy are strongly encamped and fortified, and I do not Imagine Gates
will attack them, nor will it be prudent for them to attack us.

" If our army moves by Saturday noon or Sunday, I shall continue here ; if not,
my Duty will oblige me to return to Albany and sign the Muster Rolls, before I see
Saratoga.

" n is said the Enemy have fortifyed the Ground we fought on with a work 12 or
]6 feet high. What use this can be of unless it be for a Garrison and safe Guard
for his stores. It is hardly practicable to take it ' coup demain' as it is a high
ground surrouaded by vallies.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 185

services, and the extent to which lie enjoyed the confidence
and afiection of officers and soldiers, and the declaration
that " the_y would, to a man, follow him to conquest or
death," y.'ithout being convinced that he must have pos-
sessed other qualities which soldiers love, besides courage.

It is proper to add that Colonel Livingston, after being
on the staff of Schuyler and Arnold, went to Spain as the
Secretary of John Jay, whose sister he married. Afterwards
he was Judge of the Supreme Court of New York, and
then Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States.

I cite also the testimony of Charles Neilson.' He gives
as his authority his father, who was in the engagement as
a guide, and had occupied a portion of the battle-field as a
farm, and this statement of an eye witness is as Neilson
says, corroborated by many officers and soldiers who were
present. Neilson saj^s:

" About the time General Philips arrived on the field
with the artillery. General Arnold, on a gray horse and
under full speed from the scene of action, rode up to Gen-
eral Gates," * * and said: "General, the British are
reinforced — we must have more men." General Gates re-

" I believe you are not much in the wrong in your oonjectures that Gates was
sure of success, and wished to ascribe aU tiie honor to himself, as no other officer
(except Arnold) had enough of a Gentleman's spirit to dispute it with liim.

" This morning the enemy's picket of German's in the rear were attacked and
would have been all secured had not the Fogg (which was very intense) prevented
it : six were killed and one prisoner; the rest escaped. The prisoner had a ral and
the end of his title, but he did not know whether he was a General or a Corporal.

" General Gates said this afternoon that his army was at least 3,000 stronger than
3 days since; that Lincoln had 1,600 Eank and file.

" As this is like to be a rainy night, Burgoyne may possibly be fool enough to
make a tryal to push on, or try our pickets. (Paper torn— illegible.)

"I am exceedingly happy in the Good Wishes of your family. I need not assure
you that they have ever liad mine. I wish my best respects to Mrs. Schuyler, with
thanks for the Butter she has been so good as to send me. Miss Peggy and the Young
Gentleman also claim my best regards.

" I am, dear sir,

" Very sincerely and affectionately Yours,

"IlicH'D Vaeick.

*' To Hon. Gen'l Schuyler."

—Schuyler MSS.

1. Burgoyne's Campaign, by Charles Neilson, published by Munsell, 1S44, p. 148.

186 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

plied, "You shall have them," and immediatelj ordered
Learned's brigade, when Arnold hurried back on a full gal-
loj), and the men after him in a double-quick time.

He adc^s: " These incidents were well known at the time,
and often spoken of afterwards to this day, and the author
relates them in contradiction to what was said by Wilkin-
son respecting Arnold." '

If any further proof is desired, it may be found in the
account of the battle, sent by express from General Gates'
lieadquarters, on the afternoon of September 21st, by Major
Cochran to the Council of Safety, at Bennington, Yermont,
as follows :

"General Arnold with his division, atiacked a division of Burgoyne,
in •which General Arnold gained the ground ; when the enemy were
reinforced by the main body, when General Arnold was obliged to retreat;
but being reinforced, recovered his ov/n, so that the ground remained at
eight o'clock yesterday divided between them. This account came by
express from General Gates' head- quarters yesterday afternoon by Major
Cochran." ^ . * ■

The English commander and his officers do not mention
an}^ other general officer on the held in the battle of the
i9th September, except Arnold. General Burgoyne, in
his account of the campaign, before the House of Commons,
in 1779, says :

" Mr. Gates had determined to receive the attack in his lines. Mr.
Arnold, who commanded on the left, forseeing the danger of being
turned, advanced without consultation with his general, and gave
enstead of receiving battle. The stroke might have been fatal on his
part had he failed. But confident I am, upon a minute examination of

1. Burgoyne's Campaign, by Charles Neilson, pp. 14S-9— 150-151. See Preface, p.
8. Ditto p. 353. " The fact of Arnold's being present on the field during the ac-
tion of the 19th, and actually heading the troops that engaged Eraser's division,
is also confirmed by a number who were present and who were engaged in the
battle."

2. Vermont Historical Society Collections, Vol. I, p. 239.

3. See, also, Magazine of Am. History, May, 1878, p. 278 : " Col. Philip Van Court-
landt, who commanded a New York regiment engaged in the fight, says that after
he had left his parade and was marching towards the enemy, he received his orders
from Gen. Arnold."

HIS PAT11IOTIS3I AND HIS TREASON. 187

the ground since, tliat had the other idea been pursued, I should in a
few hours gained a position, that in spite of the Enneniy's cumbers would
have put tliem in my power." ^

It would be difficult to find any account of the battle,
written before his treason, in which Arnold is not men-
tioned as leading the American troops, for no man ever dis-
covered that he was not on the held until after his con-
spiracy.

The testimony now to be cited of historians and writers
is important only as sliowing how candid and impartial
judges have regarded the evidence. In the face of the just
and universal prejudice against him, the proof has com-
pelled, often against their inclination, a very large majority
of the ablest writers to give the credit and the glory of the
battle of the nineteenth of September to General Arnold.

Washington Irving, in his Life of Washington, delin-
eates the battle and tlie generalship of Arnold, as follows:
"* * * The American officers grew impatient. Arnold especially,
impetuous by nature, urged repeatedly that a detachment should be sent
forth to check the enemy in their advance, and drive the Indians out of
the woods.

'■ At length he succeeded in getting permission, about noon, to detach
Morgan with his riflemen and Dearborn with his infantry, from his divis-
ion. Ihey soon fell in with the Canadians and Indians, which formed
the advance guard of the enemy's right, and attacking them with spirit,
drove them in, or rather dispersed them. Morgan's riflemen, following
up their advantage with too much eagerness, became likewise scattered,
and a strong reinforcement of royalists arriving on the scene of action,
the Americans, in their turn, were obliged to give way. Other detach-
ments now arrived from the American camp, led by Arnold, who attacked
Fraser on his right, to check his attempt to get in the rear of the camp.
Finding the position of Fraser too strong to be forced, he sent to head-
quarters for reinfoi-cements, but they were refused by Gates, who de-
clared that no more should go; ' he would not suffer his camp to be ex-
posed." ^

1. Burgcyr.e's Expedition. Gen. Burgoyne's Narrative, London, 1780, p. £6. See
also, p. CO.

2. living's Life of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 243.

/

188 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

»< * * Arnold now made a rapid counter-marcli, and his movements
being masked by the woods, suddenly attempted to turn Eraser's left.
Here he came in full conflict with the British line, and threw himself
upon it with a boldness and impetuosity that for a time threatened to
break it, and cut the wings of the army asunder. The grenadiers and
Breyman's riflemen hastened to its support. General Phillips broke his
way through the woods with four pieces of artillery, and Riedesel came
on with his heavy dragoons. Reinforcements came likewise to Arnold's
assistance; his force, however, never exceeded three thousand men, and
with these, for nearly four hours, he kept up a conflict almost hand to
hand with the who'e right wing of the British army. Part of the time
the Americans had the advantage of fighting under the cover of a wood,
so favorable to their militia and sharpshooters. Burgoyne ordered the
woods to be cleared by the bayonet. His troops rushed forward with
a hurrah! The Americans kept within their entrenchments, and repeat-
edly repulsed them; but if they pursued their advantage, and advanced
into open field, they were in their turn driven back.

''Night alone put an end to a conflict which the British acknowledged
to have been the most obstinate and hardly-fought they had ever experi-
enced in America. * * * * Arnold was excessively indignant at
Gates' withholding the reinforcements he had required in the heat of the
action; had they been furnished, he said, he might have severed the line
of the enemy and gained a complete victory. He was urgent to resume
the action on the succeeding morning and follow up the advantage he
had gained, but Gates declined, to his additional annoyance." ^
Lossing, in his Field Book of the Revolution," saj^s:

"Let us pause a moment and render justice to as brave a soldier as
ever drew blade for freedom. * * I mean Benedict Arnold. * * "

Botta, who was acquainted with many of the foreign officers who
served in the war, and whose sources of correct information were very
ample, observes:

" 'Arnold upon this occasion exhibited all the impetuosity of his cour-
age. He encouraged his men by voice and example.'

" Steadman, a British officer, says in his History of the American War:

" 'The enemy were led to the battle by General Arnold, who distin-
guished himself in an extraordinary manner.' "

Lossing, in his life of Schuyler, saj^s:

which animated his

1. Irving's life of Washington, Vol. Ill, pp. 344-345.

2. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I, p. 55.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 189

troops, was chiefly due the credit of successfully resisting

the inroads at Bemis' Heights." ^

Colonel Yarick, writing to Schuyler from Albany, says:
" During Burgoyne's stay here he gave Arnold great

credit for his bravery and his military abilities; especially

in the action of tlie nineteenth, whenever he speaks of him,

and once in the presence of Gates." *

1. Lossing's Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 349.

2. A very late, accurate and able professional writcr/Geiieral Carrington, Profes-
sor of Military Science, etc., in his " Battles of the American Revolution," says,
P.S42:

" * # * To What extent General Arnold accompanied the successive portions of
his division, which bore the brunt of this day's flglit, is not clearly or uniformly
defined by historians. That contemporaneous history gave his division credit is
nowhere questioned; and that he was a listless observer, or remained in camp re-
gardless of the fact that he was responsible for the entire left wing, which was then
assailed, is perfectly inconsistent with his nature and the position he occupied.

"Wilkinson, Adjutant-General of Gates, and by virtue thereof ' prima facia' good
authority as to the acts of Gates, makes the remarkable statement that ' not a
single general officer was on the field of battle the nineteenth of September until
evening,' and states the execution of this wonderful military exploit, that 'the
battle was fought by the general concert and zealous co-operation of the corps en-
gaged, and sustained more by individual courage than military discipline.'

" Bancroft states that ' Arnold was not on the field ;' and adds, ' so witnesses Wil-
kinson, whom Marshall knew personally and believed." But Marshall says, 'Re-
inforcements were continually brought up, an<i about four o'clock Arnold, with
nine continental regiments and Morgan's corps, was completely engaged with the
whole right wing of the British army. The conflict was extremely SLvere, and only
terminated with the day.' * * * There was little disposition on the part of
historians, who wrote just after the war. to do Arnold justice for real merit; but
Stedman, equally good authority with Gordon, in most respects, says: ' The enemy
were led to battle by General Arnold, who distinguished himself in an extraordi-
nary manner.' Dawson, vho has few superiors in the careful examination of American
history, and Lossing, who has devoted his life to this class of specialties, and Tomes,
concur with Marshall; while Colonel Varick, writing immediately from the camp, and
Neilson and Hall, and many other writers, give to Arnold not merely the credit of
superintending the field operations of his division, but of leading them in person.
It is difficult to understand how the withdrawal of troops from Fraser's front, and
their transfer to the British centre, with the consequent movements described by
General Burgoyne, which required such rapid and exhaustive employment of the
whole force which he brought into action, could have taken place undirected, and
with no strong will to hold the troops to the attack and defense.

" It is material that other facts be considered in order to appreciate the value of
Wilkinson's statement. He was a young man about twenty years of age, restless^
migratory in the camp, and like a boy in his eagerness to see everything every-
where. He exercised his functions as Assistant Adjutant-General, as if he were the
duplicate of his chief, and repeatedly gave orders as if the iwo persons made the

190 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

Perhaps too much space has been given to a question
which woukl never have been raised at all but for Arnold's
treason, and would scarcely have deserved serious consid-
eration, but that Mr. Bancroft has, without careful investi-
gation, never having seen, as I am compelled to believe, the
letters of Yarick and Livingston, permitted himself to be
misled by the dictum of Wilkinson.

The whole army, as is clearly shown by the letters of Yarick
and Livingston, gave to Arnold the glory of bravely and skill-
fully fighting this battle. An old soldier who was with him
in the battle, quaintly but clearly expresses the verdict of
his comrades, saying:'

"Arnold was our fighting general, and a bloody fel-
low he was. He didn't care for nothing; he'd ride right
in. It was 'come on boys,' 't'want 'go boys.' He was as
bi-ave a man as ever lived. They didn't treat him right.
He ought to have had Burgoyne's sword. But he ought to
have been true;" and the old soldier seemed to grieve over
the defection of his commander, as a father mourns over
the dishonor of a son.

general commanding. ****** Arnold also, in his objections to the transfer
of Morgan from his command, and neitlier Gates nor Wilkinson dissent from his
statement, thus addrcfses General Gates: "On the I'Jth inst., when advice was re-
ceived that the enemy were approaching, I took the liberty to give it as my opinion
that we ought to march out and attack them. You desired me to send Colonel
Morgan and the Light Artillery to support them. I obeyed your orders, and before the
action was over I found it necessary to send out the whole of my division to sup-
port the attack.' * * *

'• It is a fact that General Gates did not pass under fire, neither was it necessary for
him to do so; but the whole conduct of that officer, and of his Adjutant General,
savors of the disgust with which in an earlier war. King Saul heard the shouts that
'Saul had slain his thousands, but David his tens of thousands.' Arnold must
stand credited with personal valor, and a gallant defense of the left wing of the
American army on the nineteenth day of September, 1777.

" There is no method of determining the details of his conduct, and the student
of history must unite with Sparks and Irving and Marshall, in the general senti-
ment that Morgan only, of American officers, can compete with Arnold for the
brightest laurels of the Saratoga campaign."

1. Samuel Downing, heretofore quoted.

CHAPTER X.

SECOND BATTLE OF SARATOGA,

"Gates will be indebted to him (Arnold) for the glory he may acquire bj* a vic-
tory."—General Philip Schuyler.

Quarrel between Gates and Arnold— Action of October 7th— Heroism op
Arnold— Gates Tries in vain to Recall him from the Field— Morgan, by
Direction of Arnold, Orders his Riflemen to Fire at Fraser— Fraser
Shot— Senator Foster's Account of Arnold's Charge, as Witnessed by his
Father— Arnolp Shot— Saves the Life of the Soldier who Shot him—
Congress Votes him Thanks and the Rank hitherto Refused— Washing ■
ton sends him his New, Ante-dated Commission, and Declares he is Re-
stored "to a Violated Right."

It is diffierilt to conceive a more painful position than
that of General Arnold after the battle of the 19th of Sep-
tember. If his subsequent crime could be forgotten, it
would not be possible to -withhold from him the sympathy
and admiration which is always felt for a man of ability
suffering from undeserved misfortune. Thus far his mili-
tary career had been brilliant — almost without a parallel.

He had seen as much or more liard service — had done as
much downright hard fighting — as any man, Washington
always excepted, of his rank in the American army. The
brightest laurels of Greene, so nobly won, were acquired
later in the war.

In the spring of 1777 he went to Philadelphia, from a
short volunteer campaign in Connecticut, in which his
soldierly qualities, his zeal, his energy, his activity, his
(191)

192 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

coolness in tlie lionr of supreme peril, liad literall)^ extoried
praise and promotion from Lis bitter enemies. "Wlien in-
telligence readied Schuyler that Burgojne was approaching
from the north, he called for Arnold, and Wasliington urged
Congress to send him without " one moment's delay," be-
cause, to use Washington's own words, he was "active, ju-
dicious and brave," and because "his zeal and activity will
animate the militia greatly." Leaving his unsettled accounts,
offering to serve under juniors, who had been promoted over
him, some of them without a military record, he had
hastened to Schuyler, volunteered to lead the force sent out
along the bloody trail of Oriskany to relieve old Fort Stan-
wix, and, this accomplished, he had hastened back, to find
Gates in command, but taking the left wing of the army,
he had skirmished heavily and successfully with the enemy.
He had fought the battle of the 19th of September, and
now he found himself in the camp of the soldiers he had so
lately led to victory without a command! Gates' jealousy,
Wilkinson's hatred, Arnold's faithful friendship) for Schuy-
ler, the praises and encomiums of Washington, and prob-
ably his own imperious and unyielding temper, were the
causes which resulted in his humiliation.'

1. As an illustration of the Injustice done to Arnold, even in the most minute
details, by some historians, Bancroft says, Vol. IX, p. 407, "Arnold, who assumed tlni
part of Schuyler's friend, was quarrelsome and insubordinate," Let us see what
his " assumption " was. We have already shown that Col. Livingston, late on
Schuyler's staff, in a confidential letter to Schuyler, says : " The reason of the disa-
greement between two cronies is simply this— Arnold is your friend." Schuyler
speaks of "our gallant /r/end. Gen. Arnold." The truth is, that Arnold and Schuy-
ler were warm and faithful friends all through the campaigns of 1776 and 1777, and
afterwards. If Arnold had not been faithful to Schuyler, he might have continued
the favorite of Gates, and then he would have been the acknowledged hero of Sar-
atoga. But he was independent enough to be Schuyler's friend, in the camp of
Gates, and Gates punished him for it, and yet Mr. BiUicroft says that he " assumed "
to be Schuyler s friend. The treatment of Arnold by some hi^toiians suggests the
spirit of one who, when a friendless and obnoxious man was struck, cried out " hit
him again, he has no friends here ! " Yet to state or suggest a falsehood against
Arnold, while it may please popular feeliig, and add to popular hatred, has neither
chivalry nor Christianity to excuse it.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 193

The coolness, or more than coolness of Gates and his
Adjutant-General towards the second in command, had be-
come an open quarrel when Moi'gan's corps, which had been
attached to the left wing under the command of Arnold
ever since his return from Fort Schuyler, was now, without
consultation or even notice, withdrawn from his division by
general orders. " This," says Sparks, " was supposed to have
been owing to the officious interference of Wilkinson." '

In his official report to Congress of the late battle. Gates
was so unjust that he did not mention, or even allude to
Arnold, nor to his division, but merely said the battle was
fought by " detachments from the arniy." This was un-
manly, unsoldier-like and ungenerous, and as unjust to Ar-
nold's gallant troops as to their commander. Arnold
naturally complained and expressed in strong language his
sense of the injustice done to his soldiers.^

Gates, knowing Arnold's temper, and obviously seeking
to provoke and drive him from the service, went so far as
to say sneeringly, he thought Arnold of little consequence
in the army; that when General Lincoln arrived he would
take away his command; and that he would with all his
heart give him a pass to leave the army — very different
language from that he used Sept. 2d, 1776, when he was
urged to put Arnold in arrest, and replied: "The United
States must not be deprived of that excellent officer's ser-
vices at this important moment." '

But as Gen. Schuyler suggests, Gates was now " so very
sure of success that he did not wish the other (Arnold) to
come in for a share of the glory he may acquire" from a
victory.* Then followed an angry correspondence. Arnold

1. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 114.

2. Arnold's letter to Gates, Sept. 22, 1777 ; Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, pp.
2.-.4-6-7.

:;. Gates to the President of Congress, km. Archives, 5th S., Vol. I, p. 1268,
4. Schuyler to Varick, Sept. 25, 1777.

13

194 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

wrote the letter of Sept. 22nd before mentioned. Gates was
irritating, arrogant and vulgar; Arnold indiscreet, hanghty
and passionate. Gates succeeded in provoking Arnold to
demand a pass to Washington, which Gates was but too
ready to give. When the officers and soldiers heard what
was passing they became excited and indignant. " They
had," as Lossing says, " lost all confidence in Gates, and
had the highest opinion of Arnold." '

B}^ personal entreaty, and in a written address, Arnold's
officers begged him not to leave them, " for another battle
seemed imminent." *

" As the enemy are hourly expected, General Arnold
cannot think of leaving camp," as Livingston wrote to
Schuyler.

Arnold had asked a pass to Washington in the heat of
passion, and he was willingly persuaded to remain. On
the first of October he had addressed a letter to Gates, in
which he says: "Conscious of my own innocency and
and integrity, I am determined to sacrifice my feel-
ings and continue in the army at this critical junct-
ure." ' But Gates was inexorable; his rival was now with-
out a command, and Gates meant to keep him in that con-
dition, and therefore he had not the grace to restore him to
his former position, but took the division under his own
charge, placing Lincoln in command of the right wing. A
day or two after Lincoln's arrival, Arnold still claiming to
command his old division, observing Lincoln giving some
directions in regard to it, inquired if he was doing so by
order of General Gates, and Lincoln replying in the nega-
ative, Arnold observed that the left division belonged to
him (Arnold) and that he believed that Lincoln's proper

1. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. II, p. 351.

2. Lossing's Life of Schuyler, Vol. 11, p. 351.

3. Letter to Gates, Oct. l, 1777. Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. 1, pp. 250 2C0.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 195

station was on the right, and that of Gates ought to be the
center.' " Arnold requested Lincoln to mention this to
Gates and have it adjusted." Lincoln wisely sought to
reconcile their differences, but without success. "Arnold
is determined," says Yarick, "not to suffer any man to in-
terfere in his division, and says it will be death to any
officer in action." ^

He remained in camp, receiving the sympathy of his
brother officers, but never consulted. Gates did not issue a
formal order, depriving him of command, but ignored him.

Meanwhile two thousand troops, lately under Lincoln,
had arrived in camp, and the gates to Canada were being
shut against the British retreat; the bridges in their rear
were being destroyed by the Americans, and the toils were
closing around Burgoyne. He looked anxiously towards
New York for a diversion in his favor by Sir Henry Clinton.
Provisions were growing scarce, and his troops, constantly
harrassed by skirmishes, were now put on short allowance.
Burgoyne fortified his camp, and the American militia canje
flocking in to take a hand in the capture of the British
army, now regarded as morally certain. Its leader realized
that he must fight or fly, and that without delay. Li the
early days of October the question of a rapid retreat, or a
vigorous attack, was much considered and discussed by the
British officers. Burgoyne, in the beginning of the cam-
paign, proud and sanguine of success, had in his proclama-
tion said: "This army must never retreat!" JSTow an
escape by retreat would have been a relief to his anxiety.
Philips proposed to make a rapid, circuitous march and
fall upon the American left. Biedesel advised a retreat to
Fort Edward. Fraser was ready and willing to fight.

On the morning of the 7th of October, it was decided to

1. Irving's Life of Washington Vol. Ill, p. 249.

2. Varick to Schuyler. Schuyler papers.

196 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

make preparations for battle, and that a reconnoissance in
force should be executed, and if there should be found an
opportunity for an attack, with reasonable prospects of
success, it should be given; if otherwise, preparations to
retreat should be made.

At 10 A. M., Burgoyne, aided by Philips, Eiedesel and
Fraser, led 1,500 picked men to high ground, three-fourths
of a mile to the west of the American line, and behind a
screen of dense forests formed his line of battle. At the
same time he despatched a party of five hundred rangers,
loyalists and Indians, to steal through the forests and attack
the rear of the left of the Americans, while he should attack
their front and flank. The movements of the British were
quickly discovered. The American center beat to arms,
and the whole army prepared for battle. " Order out
Morgan to begin the game," said Gates. At Morgan's
suggestion he was directed to take possession of the heights
to the right of the enemy. General Poor with his brigade,
and a part of Scammels, were sent against the left of the
British line ; meanwhile the party of rangers, loyalists and
Indians had gained the rear of the Americans, driven in
the pickets, and being joined by the grenadiers, drove the
Americans within their lines; here they rallied, and
being joined by Morgan and his riflemen, they in turn
drove the British to the main line of battle now
being formed, consisting of grenadiers under Major Ack-
land, with artillery under Major Williams on the left;
the center was composed of the Germans under
Riedesel, and British under Pliilips, while the light
infantry under Earl Balcarras formed the extreme left.
General Eraser, with five hundred picked men, was placed
in advance of the right, ready to attack the Americans in the
flank when the action should begin. It was now two o'clock
in the afternoon, and Morgan, as has been stated, at his own

His PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 197

suggestion, was sent with his riflemen to take possession of
some high ground on the extreme right of the enemj, to
watch and attack Fraser at the moment when an attack
should be made on the British left by Poor's brigade and a
part of Learned's. At half past two the battle began. The
troops of Poor and Learned marched up the slope to attack
the grenadiers and the artillery under Ackland and Wil-
liams, and with orders not to open fire until after the first
discharge of the enemy. Silently and steadily they marched
forward, and were recived by a discharge of musket balls
and grape shot, which passed over their heads into the
branches of the trees. Instantly, with a shout, they rushed
forward and delivered their fire. Then followed a fierce
assault and conflict. The Americans charged up to the
very mouths, and among the cannon, and were met with
a stubborn resistance. Cannon were taken and re-taken ;
one of the field-pieces was captured and re-captured four
times, until finally Colonel Cilley, who led his regiment,
leaped upon the captured gun, and waving his sword, dedi-
cated it to the patriot cause, and whirling it towards
the enemy, discharged it upon them; the act was dramatic,
and the efiect electric. Finally, after a terrible struggle, and
when Major Ackland was severely wounded and Williams
taken prisoner, the grenadiers and artillery fled, and the
Americans held the field. While the battle was raging on
the right Morgan led the attack upon Fraser and drove him
back within the British lines; then falling upon their right
flank, he broke their lines and put them to confusion.
Dearborn with fresh troops attacked their front, which was
broken, but rallied and made a stand under the Earl of
Balcarras. The center of the British still held their ground.
And now Arnold on his black horse was seen approaching
at full speed. Chafing in his tent, he had early heard the
sounds of the conflict, and no stag-hound chained in his

198 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

kennel, Avlien he hears the music of the pursuit, was ever
more eager to join the chase than was Arnold to join his
comrades in the field. " No man," exclaimed he to his aids,
" shall keep me in my tent to-day. If I am without com-
mand, I will fight in the ranks; but the soldiers, God bless
them, will follow my lead. Come on," said he, " victory or
death!" and leaping into his saddle he plunged into the
thickest of the fight, and the soldiers welcomed their old
and beloved commander with shouts and cheers, which rose
above the din and roar of the conflict.* His gallant, thor-
ough-bred horse bounded over the field with a motion as
elastic and nearly as rapid as the deer springs from the
hounds. Arnold was a splendid rider, and the martial
spirit which animated him, and the magnetism of the rush-
ing, powerful animal beneath him, thrilled his whole frame
almost to frenzy as he dashed through the storm of smoke
and fire and lead.^

"Fast, fast, with heels' wild spurning',

The dark brown charger sped;
He burst through ranks of fighting men;

He sprang o'er heaps of dead."
"General Arnold," says Lossing, "had. watched with eager eye
and excited spirit the course of the battle thus far. Deprived
of all command, he had no authority even to Jight, much less
to order. Smarting under the indignity heaped upon hiai by his
commander, thirsting for that glory which beckoned him to the
field, burning with a patriotic desire to serve his country, now
bleeding at every pore, and stirred by the din of battle around him,

1. He enjoys the confidence and affection of officers and soldiers. They would
to a man follow him to victory or dLQaXh."— Livingston Letter quoted.

2. His conduct recalls Scott's fine description of Marmion, in the battle of Flod-
dea Field:

" Like a thunderbolt,
" First in the vanguard made a halt,
When such a shout there rose
Of ' Marmioii ! Marmion ! ' that the cry
Up Flodden mountains shrilling high,
Startled the Scotish foes."

—Can'o VL

i

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 199

the brave soldier became fairly maddened by liis emotions, and leaping
upon his large brown horse, he started off on a full gallop for the field
of conflict. Gates immediately sent Major Armstrong after him to order
him back. Arnold saw him approaching, and anticipating his errand,
spurred his horse and left his pursuer far behind, while he placed him-
self at the head of the regiments of Learned's brigade, who received
their former commander with loud huzzas. He immedia'ely led them
against the British center, and with the desperation of a madman, rushed
into the thickest of the fight, or rode along the lines in rapid and erratic
movements, brandishing his broad-sword above his head, and delivering
his orders everywhei'e in person. Armstrong kept up the chase for half
an hour, but Arnold's course was so varied and perilous that ho gave
it up.

" The Hessians received the first assault of Arnold's trocps upon the
British center with a brava resistance; but when, upon a second charge,
he dashed furiously among them at the head of his men, they broke and
fled in dismay. And now the battle became general along the whole
lines. Arnold and Morgan were the ruling spirits that controlled the
storm on the part of the Americans, and the gallant General Fraser was
the directing soul of the British troops in action. His skill and courage
were everywhere conspicuous. When the lines gave way, he brought
order out of confusion; when regiments began to waver, he infused
courage into them by voice and example. He was mounted upon a
splendid iron-gray gelding, and, dressed in the full uniform of a field
officer, he was a conspicuous object for the Americans. It was evident
that the fate of the battle rested upon him, and this the keen eye and
sure judgment of Morgan perceived. In an instant his purpose was con-
ceived, and calling a file of his best m.n around him, he said, as he
pointed toward the British right, 'That gallant officer is General Fraser.
I admire and honor him, but it is necessary he should die; victory for
the enemy depends upon him. Take your stations in that clump of
bushes, and do your duty.' ^ Within five minutes Fraser fell mortally
wounded, and was carried to the camp by two grenadiers. Just previous
to being hit by the fatal bullet, the crupper of his horse was cut by a
rifle ball, and immediately afterward another passed through the horse's
mane, & little back of his ears.

■* Tne aid of Fraser noticed this and said, ' It is evident that you are
marked out for particular aim ; v/ould it not be prudent for you to retire
from this place ? ' Fraser replied, ' My duty forbids me to fly from dan-
ger,' and the next moment he fell."

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I, pp. 61-2; also Life of Schuyler,
Vol. II, p. 366.

200 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

In regard to the deatli of Gen. Fraser, it is proper to
state that Samuel Woodruff, of Windsor, Connecticut, a sar-
geant in tlie American army, and a participator in the
battle, gives the following account of the death of that gal-
lant officer :

" Soon after the commencement of the action, Gen. Aniold, knowmg
the military character and efficiency of Gen. Fraser, and observing his
motions in leading and conducting the attack, said to Colonel Morgan,
' that officer upon the gray horse is of himself a host, and must be dis-
posed of; direct the attention of some of the sharpshooters among your
riflemen, to him." Morgan nodded his assent, repaired to his riflemen,
and made known to them the hint given by Arnold. Immediately upon
this the crupper of the gray horse was cut by a rifle ball,^ and soon
Fraser received his mortal wound."

This statement is corroborated by ISTeilson.'

This account does not, it will be observed, conflict with
the statement in regard to Morgan, but only adds, that the
cruel, but perhaps in a military point of view, important
suggestion, originated with Arnold. It is difficult not to
condemn this order. The impulse of every generous heart
is, that the gallant soldier should have the chance of escape
withjut being singled out for death. But the American
officers were lighting for their country. Arnold and Mor-
gan believed the death of Fraser was necessary, and there-
fore gave the fatal order. When Fraser fell, a panic seized
the British, and the whole line gave way and fled behind
their entrenchments. The Americans followed, and, I again
(j[uote from the Field Book of the Revolution:

' * The conflict was now terrible indeed, and in the midst of the flame,
and smoke, and metal hail, Arnold was conspicuous. His voice, clear as
a trumpet, animated the soldiers, and as if ubiquitous, he seemed to be
eveiywhere amid the perils at the same moment. With a part of the
brigades of Patterson and Glover, he assaulted the works occupied
by the light infantry under Earl Balcarras, and at the point of the

1, Stone's Campaign of General Burgnyne, pp. 324 325.

2. "Morgan, af the suggestion of Arnold, \.oo\i a few of his riflemen aside," and
gave them the order to pick oif Fraier as stated.— £urfl'02/us's Campaiyns, by
Charles Neilson.

i

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. . 201

bayonet drove the enemy from a strong abatis, through which he at-
tempted to force his way into the camp. He was obliged to abandon
the effort, and dashing forward toward the right flank of the enemy, ex-
posed to the crois-fire of the contending armies,^ he met Learned's brig-
ade advancing to make an assault upon the British works at an open-
ing in the abatis, between Balcarras' light infantry and the German right
flank defense under Colonel Breyman. Canadians and loyalists defended
this part of the line, and were flanked by a stockade redoubt on each
side.

"Arnold placed himself at the head of the brigade, and moved rap-
idly on to the attack. He directed Colonel Brooks to assault the redoubt,
while the remainder of the brigade fell upon the front. The contest was
furious, and the enemy at length gave way, leaving Breyman and his
Germans completely exposed. At this moment Arnold galloped to the
left and ordered the regiments of Wesson and Livingston and Morgan's
corps of riflemen to advance and make a general assault. At the head
of Bi-ooks' regiment, he attacked the German works. Having found the
sally-port, he rushed within the enemy's intrenchments. The Germans,
who had seen him upon his steed in the thickest of the fight for more
than two hours, terrified at his approach, fled in dismay, delivering a
volley in their retreat which killed Arnold's horse under him and
wounded the General himself very severely in the same leg which had
been badly lacerated by a musket ball at the storming of Quebec, two
years before.

"Here, wounded and disabled, at the head of conquering troops led
on by his valor to the threshold of victor3% Arnold was overtaken by Ma-
jor Armstrong, who delivered to him Gates' order to return to camp,
fearing he ' might do some rash thing! ' He indeed did a rash thing in
the eye of military discipline. He led troops to victory without an order
from his commander. His conduct was rash, indeed, compared with the
stately method of General Gates, who directed by orders from his camp
what his presence should have sanctioned. While Arnold was welding
the fierce sickle of war without, and reaping golden sheaves for Gates'
garner, the latter (according to Wilkinson) was within his camp, more
intent upon discussing the merits of the Kevolution with Sir Francis
Clark, Burgoyne's aid-de-camp, who had been wounded and taken pris-
oner, and was lying upon the commander's bed at his quarters, than upon
winning a battle all-important to the ultimate triumph of those princi-
ples for which he professed so warm an attachment. When one of Gates'
aids came up from the field of battle for orders, he found the General very

1. Wilkinson says: "This would have been deemed incredible if Gen. Scott
had not performed the same 'mad prank' at Lundy's Lane."

202 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

angry because Sir Francis would not allow tlie force of his arguments.
He left the room, and, calling his aid after him, askedas they went out,
' Did you ever hear so impudent a son of a b— h ? ' Poor Sir Francis
died that night upon Gates' bed.

" It is a curious fact," says Sparks, "that an oflBcer who really had
not command in the army, was the leader of one of the most spirited
and important battles of the Revolution. His madness or rashness, or
whatever it may be cal'ed, resulted most fortunately for himself. The
wound he received at the moment of rushing into the arms of danger
and of death, added fresh lustre to his military glory, and was a new
claim to public favor and applause." '

The following is tlie pccount of Arnold's conduct in tlie
action, given by General Carrington in his "Battles of the
American Eevolution."

" At this stage of the battle, Arnold, no longer under self-control,
burst from the camp, and, like a meteor, rode to the front of Learned"s
brigade, which had been so recently under his command, and dashed
into the fight. He was cheered as he rode past, and like a whirlwind
the regiments went with him upon the broken British lines Fraser fell
mortally wounded in this assault, and swiftly behind the half crazy vol-
unteer came Tenbroeck with a force nearly double that of the who^e
British line. That line was now in full retreat. Phillips and Riedesel,
as well as Burgoyne, who took command in person, exhibited marvelous
courage in an hour so perilous, and withdrew the troops with creditable
self-possession and skill, but nothing could stop Arnold. Wherever he
found troops he assumed command, and by the magnetism of his will
and passion, he became supreme in daring endeavor. With a part of
the brigades of Patterson and Glover, he assaulted the intrenchments of
Earl Balcarras, but was repulsed. To the right of Earl Balcarras, the
Canadians and Royahsts were posted under cover of two stockade re-
doubts. Arnold here again met Learned's brigade, took the lead, and
with a single charge cleared these works, leaving the left of Breyman's
position entirely exposed. Without waiting for the result of the further
attack at tliis point, he rode directly in front of Breyman's intrench -
mens under fire, and meeting the regiments of Wesson and Livingston
and Morgan's rifle corps, which had made the entire compass of the
British right, he ordered them forward, and then riding on with a por-
tion of Brooks' regiment which joined at that moment, he turned the in-
trenchments of Breyman, entered the sally-port and was shot, with his
horse, as the victory was achieved." ^

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I, p. 63.

2. Carrington's Battles of the Ameiicaa Revolution, p. 3-48.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 203

Sparks, perhaps the most careful of all writers upon
Revolutionary history, and who is never extravagant in his
language, says:

" The brilliant manoeuvre with which the engagement was closed, the
assault of" the enemy's works, and driving the Hessians Irom their en-
campment, was undoubtedly owing in the first case to Arnold. He gave
the order, and by his j)ersoual bravery set an example to the troops
which inspired them with ardor, and hurried them forward. He was shot
through the leg while riding gallantly into the sally-poit, and his horse
fell dead under him. The success of the assault was complete, and
crowned the day with victory." '

"Gates was not on the field, nor indeed did he leave
liis encampment during either of the battles of Bemis'
Heights."'

There is little doubt that Arnold went to the field on this
day reckless of his life, and perhaps intending to seek death
by the most hazardous exposure, but he meant to die victo-
rious, and death at the moment of victory would have been
welcome. When on the morning of the twenty-first of
August, he started from German Flats to march across the
bloody field of Oriskany to relieve Fort Schuyler, expecting
to meet a superior force, ]ie says : " You will liear of my
being victorious, or — ?io laore!^

His conduct on the field the seventh of October, shows
that his excitement amounted almost to frenzy. During
the progress of the battle, wishing to pass rapidly from the
right to the left, " he dashed through the fire of the two
lines, and escaped unhurt."*

It is said by Yf ilkinson, that while encouraging his troops,
Arnold, in a state of furious distraction, struck an ofiicer
wdth his sword, " believed to be Captain Ball, of Dearborn's
infantry." Sparks, alluding to the incident, says when the

1. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 118,

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 119.

3. Gates' Papers. Letter from Arnold to Gates, Aug. 21, 1777. MSS.

4. Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, p. -73.

204 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

officer, on the following day, " demanded redress, Arnold
declared his entire ignorance of the act and expressed his
regret." *

Foster, of Xew London, late a Senator of the United
States from Connecticut, at the Centennial celebration of
this battle, on the 7th of October, 1877, relates an interest-
ino- incident in relation to Arnold. Senator Foster's father

o

was adjutant of a Connecticut regiment made up in part of
recruits from New London and IS'orwich, Arnold's birth-
place. He says: " The earliest recollection of my boyhood
was sitting on my father's knee and listening to the stories
of the march, the camp and the battle-field. I well recol-
lect hearing my father say that Arnold came dashing along
the line, the speed at which he rode leaving his aid far
behind him, and as he came up to mj father's regiment he
called out, 'Whose regiment is this?' My father replied:
'Colonel Latimer's, sir.' 'Ah!' said Arnold, 'ray old
ISforwich and New London friends. God bless you! I am
glad to see you. Now come on, boys; if the day is long
enough, we'll have them all in hell before niglit.' General
Arnold was a native of Norwich, and was born within fifty
yards of my house in that town." ^

As Arnold's horse fell under him, and he received a shot
through his thigh, breaking the bone, he cried to his sol-

1. Life of Arnold, p. 118. It has been suggested that in the fury and frenzy of his
desperate charge, that this blow may have been accidental.

2 Manuscript letters from Senator Foster to the author, dated Oct. 27th, 1777 :
" The Daily Saratogian, which I enclose, contains a pretty full statement of what I
have heard my father say of General Arnold's conduct on the battle-field, I recol-
lect further hearing my father speak of Arnold's impatience and fretfulness with
the surgeon, who on looking hastily at his wounded leg, expres-ed some appre-
hension that amputation might be necessary. * * * He led the party that
stormed Burgoyne's camp, after his men fell back to it ; although it was not taken.
He certainly inspired the men with a large portion of his own impetuousity, for
they rushed on to the assault with shouts and cheers and yells; so I have heard
my father and uncle both say.

"Very truly your friend, etc.,

" L. F. S. Foster."

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 205

diers, "linsli on, my brave boys, rush on!"' According
to a statement of Nicholas Stoner, Arnold was shot by a
wounded German private. An American soldier, seeing
his General fall, rushed forward and was about to run the
wounded German through with his bayonet, but Arnold,
though prostrate and bleeding, seeing that the soldier was
helpless, cried, "Don't hurt him, he did but his duty ; he is
a fine fellow! " ^ Thus he saved the life of this soldier who
had just shot him. This, Stone justly characterizes as an act
of " true chivalry." * He who could thus save the life of a
helpless enemy, while writhing from a wound just inflicted
by that enemy, could not have been wanting in generosity.
This was the hour for Benedict Arnold to have died! Had
he been so fortunate as to have died of the wound received
at the moment of victory, and immediately following an
act of chivalry, of which I can recall no parallel, few sol-
diers in American history would have achieved a prouder
fame. Arnold was mounted on this day, upon a beautiful
dark horse named " "Warren," after his old friend, the hero
and " martyr " of Bunker Hill.* Wilkinson says, " It may
be remembered by several who now live that Arnold rode
on that day a black or dark brown horse, * * * and I
well recollect observing the body of the horse the morning
after, in the rear of the German encampment." ^

1. Letter of E. Mattoon, quoted in Stone's Campaign of Gen. John Burgojne,
p. 375.

2. Stone's Campaign of Burgoyne, p. 66.

3. " A private by the name of John Redman, seeing his General wounded, ran
up to bayonet the offender, but was prevented by Arnold, who, with true chivalry,
exclaimed, ' He is a fine fellow— do not hurt him.' This was told, in 1848, to I. R.
Simons, by Nicholas Stoner, the celebrated fcout, who was an eye-witness of the
circumstance."— Stone's Burgoyne' s Campaign, p. 66.

4. Headley's Washington and his Generals, p. 183.

5. Wilkinson's Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 274.

There is a conflict in the statements by Col. Wilkinson and Major Lewis, in
regard to the horse which Arnold rode at the battle of Saratoga. Wilkinson, as we
have quoted, says the one rode on the 7th of October was a black horse, belonging;
to Leonard Chester ; and Lewis, as quoted by Mr. Sparks, states the animal was a

206 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

The British officers killed were Colonel Breyman, Sir
Francis Clarke and the gallant and lamented General Fra-
ser. Biirgoyne himself had a very narrow escape, two rifle
balls passing through liis clothes; while of the Americans,

beantifal Spanish horse, which had belonged to Gov. Skene, but now was the prop-
erty of Col. Lewis, and borrowed for the occasion. Wilkinson says he saw the
horse the next day dead, and is probably correct. How Arnold came to ride a bor-
rowed horse is explained in the following note from Arnold to Colonel Lamb:
" My sister writes me she sent one of my horses to Peekskill, about 25th of July, to
be forwarded to me, and that she intended sending another the lasi of July. I have
received neither, and beg the favor of Col. Oswald to make inquiries for them, as
he knows the horses,— the one a sorrel stallion, and the other a sorrel mare. I wish
him, if they can be found, to send them to Albany, to the Dept. Quartermaster-
General.
—See Life of Lamb, p. 172. " Yours, B. A."

Arnold, it is said, gave an order to Lewis on the Quartermaster for the mare, in
place of the one shot, and it is said none was there. It is not improbable the above
note will explain this order consistently with his integrity, and if so, show how
liable all persons are to do injustice who hear only one side of a case, without ex-
planation.

It is quite clear that previous to his treason, while Arnold had enemies, his
friends were as warm and devoted as his enemies were bitter. Among the former
was General Lamb, who afterwards, while condemning his treason with the utmost
severity, would never suffer the reputation of Arnold as a soldier to be questioned,
or his courage and conduct on the field impeached without defending both.

" Some years afterwards, when dining at Putnam's headquarters, in company
with one of Gates' brigadiers who had served at Saratoga, the name of Arnold was
introduced, when 'co?)/«sio>i to ^/ifi imrtor' was drank with great unanimity. And
when his demerits had been freely discussed, Colonel Lamb remarked that it was a
pity so good a soldier, and a man of such consummate courage should become so
despicable a villain."

'"Consummate courage, sir!' said Gen.G.: 'where has he ever exhibited any proof
of such quality ? ' ' Sir,' said Col. Lamb, ' you astonish me by the question. In my
judgment, it would be more difficult to point out an instance where he has not
given ample evidence of bravery, than to enumerate the instances of his intre-
pidity. I was with him at the storming of Quebec, and at the battle of Compo ; and
am somewhat qualified to judge ; and if these exploits are not sufficient, the battle
of the 7th Oct., in 1777, and the storming of the German intrenchments, would
add strength to my testimony.' ' Pshaw ! Sir,' was the rejoinder; ' mere Dutch cour-
age: He was drunk, sir.' 'Sir,' said Col. Lamb, 'let me tell you, that drunk or sober,
you will never be an Arnold, or fit to compare with him in any military capacity.'
' What do you mean by that, sir?' exclaimed Gen. G. 'Literally and emphatically
what I say,' was the answer. Here Putnam (who lisped) broke in : 'Whath all thith?'
he said; 'God, cuth it, gentlemen, let the traitor go! Here's Washington's health
in a brimmer.' This ended the conversation, and the matter was not pushed to
farther arbitrament."— i?/!? and Times of Lamb, p. 262.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 207

General Arnold was the only commissioned officer who re-
ceived a wound/

" During all the fight," says Bancroft, " neither Gates
nor Lincoln (second in command) appeared on the Held." ^

The gallantry of Arnold, his reckless exposure, his severe
wound, added fresh lustre to his fame. Even Gates, coerced
by the sympathy and enthusiastic admiration of the army,
created by Arnold's heroism, now mentioned his name in
his report of the battle to Congress,' and that body, as we
shall detail more fully hereafter, at last gave him his proper
rank,*

There are many touching incidents connected with the
details of this battle; none more so than the death and
burial of General Fraser. He lingered after being wounded
until the 8th, and a short time before his deatli expressed a
wish to be buried at six o'clock in the evening in a redoubt

1. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I, p. 64.

2. Bancroft's His. of United States, Vol. IX, p. 118.

3. Bancroft's History of United States, Vol. IX, p. 418. "In his report of the action
Gates named Arnold with Morgan and Dearborn."

4. There was little disposition in those who wrote immediately after the war, to
do Arnold justice, and some later historians have been so blinded by prejudice as
to deny him all honor, and therefore I shall be excused for quoting the eloquent
words of George W. Curtis, in his Centennial Oration, in regard to his conduct:
"The British, dismayed, bewildered, overwhelmed, were scarcely within their re-
doubt-, when Benedict Arnold, to whom the jealous Gates, who did not come upon
the field during the day, had refused a command, outriding an aid whom Gates had
sent to recall him, came spurring up ; Benedict Arnold— whose name America does
not love, whose ru'.hless will had dragged the doomed Canadian expedition through
the starving wilderness of Maine, who volunteering to relieve Fort Stanwix had,
by the mere terror of his coming, blown St. Leger away, and who on the 19th of Sep-
tember had saved the American left. Benedict Arnold, whom battle stung to
fury, now whirled from end to end of the American line, hurled it agaifist the
great redoubt, driving the enemy at the point of the bayonet; then flinging himself
to the extreme right, and finding there the Massachusetts brigade, svvept it with
him to the assault, and streaming over the breastworks, scattered the Brunswick-
ers, who defended them, killed their Colonel, gained and held the point which
commanded the entire British position, while at the same moment his horse was
shot under him, and he sank to the ground wounded in the leg that had been
wounded at Quebec. Here, upon the Hudson, where he tried to betray his coun-
try; here upon the spot, where, in the crucial hour of the Revolution, he illus-
trated and led the American valor that made us free and great, knowing well that
no earlier service can condone for a later crime, let us recall for one brief instant
of infinite pity, the name that has been justly execrated for a century."

208 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

which had been built on the top of a hill near the battle-
ground. At sunset, followed by General Burgoyne and the
staff officers, his body was borne by the grenadiers of his
division to the grave.* The Americans, seeing indistinctly
through the twilight a movement of soldiers, and not know-
ing what it meant, pointed their artillery upon the funeral
cortege, and as it proceeded up the hill balls struck the
ground near the new-made grave. Undisturbed and for-
getful of all but the duties of his sacred office, the chaplain,
with " unaltered " voice read the sublime service, " Dust to
dust; ashes to ashes," though often himself covered with
the dust thrown up by the shot which fell around him.''

Amidst the cheers and shouts of the triumph to which
he had so gallantly led his troops, Arnold was borne bleed-
ing and helpless to his quarters. The victory was won,
and Burgoyne's surrender was now a question only of time,
Arnold was soon made to realize that the words of Schuyler

1. " Slowly and sadly we laid him down,

From the field of his fame fresh and gory;
We carved not a line, we raised not a stone,
But we left him alone in his glory."

2. Burgoyne has himself very eloquently and feelingly described the scene-
"The incessant cannonade during the ceremony; the steady attitude and unal-
tered voice with which the chaplain officiated, though frequently covered with
dust which the shot threw up on all sides of him ; the mute, but expressive mix-
ture of sensibility and indignation upon every countenance; these objects will
remain to the last of life upon the mind of every man who was present. The grow-
ing darkness added to the scenery, and the whole marked a character of that
juncture which would make one of the finest subjects for the pencil of a master
that the field ever exhibited. To the canvas and to the faithful page of a more
imporiant historian, gallant friend! I consign thy memory. There may thy talents,
thy manly virtues, their progress and their peiiod, find due distinction and long
may they survive ; long after the frail record of my pen shall be forgotten."—
Irving' s Life of Washington, Vol. Ill, p. 277

The following is the tribute from the poetic pen of Bancroft to the memory of
Fraser, and is scarcely surpassed by anything in Ossian?

"Never more shall he chase the red deer through the heather of Strath Frrick.or
guide the skiff across the fathomless lake of central Scotland, or muse over the
ruins of the Stuarts on the moor of Drum Mossie, or dream of glory beside the
crystal waters of the Ness. Death in itself is not terrible ; but he came to America
for selfish advancement, and though bravely true as a soldier, he died uucon.
soled."— Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. IX, p. 419.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 209

were true. '' Gates will be indebted to him for tlie glory
he may acquire bj the victory." ' Arnold's blood watered
the laurels which now encircled the brow of Gates, There
is, sa^^s De Qnincy, a ISTemesis which haunts the steps of
those who become illustrious by appropriating the trophies
of their brothers. Gates ungenerously appropriated the
honors due to Arnold and to Schuyler, and has passed into
merited disgrace.

Burgoyne abandoning his sick and wounded, attempted
to retreat to Saratoga. Hero he fonnd himself comj^letely
surrounded. Stark, with two thousand men, held the river
at Fort Edward, and his whole camp was exposed to cannon
and rifle shot, and the firing upon him was constant. On the
ITtli the terras of capitulation were signed, and his whole
army surrendered, the Americans obtaining forty-two
pieces of the best brass ordnance then existing, a large
quantity of ammunition, and 4,600 muskets. The British
loss in this campaign is estimated at ten thousand men.^

On Monday, ]^ov. 4th, Colonel Wilkinson laid before
Congress the papers in relation to the surrender of Bur-
goyne."

1. Letter from Schuyler to Varick, before quoted.

1. In a letter to General Schuyler from Col. Varick, dated "Albany, October 30th.
1777," (Schuyler Papers) he says:

" General Arnold is growing better very fast. He requests his compliments to you
He is in expectation of accompanying you to Congress. He is not satisfied with
Gates' convention (with Burgoyne). He thinks we might have caught them on more
advantageousterms than we have." * * (Burgoyne and his army did not become
absolute prisoners to be exchanged, only agreeing not to serve again during the
war )

" Great part of Gates' army is still here. They have destroyed 'almost all the
fences. Among others you have a great share of loss. Mrs. Schuyler's poultry and
garden have suflered in defiance of every order and threat."

And again he writes :

"Nov. 1,1777.

" General Arnold is growing better daily. So is also Major Ackland. The for-
mer censures Gates detaining the troops. He says they ought to have joined Gen-
eral Washington. Gates is billiting 150 i in and about this place."— Sc/m?/fer Papers.

3. "Colonel Wilkinson, Adjutant General in Gates' army, was made by him the
bearer of dispatches to Congress, communicating the official intelligence of the
surrender of Burgoyne, and the articles of capitu'.atiou. Wilkinson arrived at
14

210 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

On Tuesday Congress passed a vote of thanks to Generals
Gates, Lincoln and Arnold, and "the other officers and sol-
diers," for " their brave and successful eiforts." '

On the 29th General Washington was directed to issue a
new commission to General Arnold, of such a date as to
give him the precedence to which he was entitled.*

It will be remembered that his first promotion, from Col-
onel to Brigadier-General, was given as a reward for his
efforts in leading the army through the wilderness to Can-
ada, and for his gallantry in the assault on Quebec. He was
made a Major-General for his heroism at Eidgefield, whei-e
one horse was killed under him and another wounded, and
when he escaped as by a miracle, but his proper rank had
been hitherto refused by Congress.

The victory at Saratoga, where, at each of the battles, he
was the only Major-General on the field, his last brilliant and
triumphant charge and his severe wound, brought to him
the rank he had long before won, and now, at last, "Wash-
ington enclosed his commission, saying: "You are re-
stored to the rank you claim in the line of the army. This
(the commission) I transmit by direction of Congress." ^

Writing to Lincoln, a junior who had been promoted over
Arnold, he says : " General Arnold is restored to a violated
right, and the restitution I hope will be considered by every

Easton, in Pennsylvania, on the '24th of October, and wrote from that place a line
to General Washington, merely stating the fact of the surrender, the number of
prisoners taken, and the nature of his errand to Congress, bat not intimating that
he had any authority from General Gates to make this communication to the Com-
mander-in-Chief, nor enclosing a copy of the articles.

" Wilkinson did not reach the seat of Congress till the 31st of October, fifteen days
after the convention of Saratoga was signed, and then it took him three days to
put the papers in order which he was to lay before Congress. It was on this occa-
sion that one of the members made a motion in Congress tliat they should compli-
ment Colonel Wilkinson with the gift of a pair of spurs."— &e Sparks' Writings of
Washington. Vol. V, p. lU.

1. Journals of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 469, 177Y.

?.. Journals of Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 548, 1777,

3. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 213.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 211

gentleman concerned, as I am sure it will by you, as an act
of necessary justice." *

Thus ended these battles near Saratoga, and the campaign
which secured American independence. It was decisive;
it disheartened the enemy, it fixed the wavering, and filled
the patriots with new hope and energy, and it brought act-
ive aid from France and Spain to the patriot cause.

It was a brilliant success, and some one is fairly entitled
to the honor of achieving it. "Who? Schuyler's wise prep-
aration and magnanimity cannot be too highly honored.
But who fought the battles? Gates did not see the face of
the enemy during the campaign. To what extent did
Arnold contribute to the triumph of the Americans?
Washington sent him Korth to rally the militia and lead
them. They flocked to his standard, and he led them to
victory. His expedition up the Mohawk was a perfect suc-
cess, and if Stanwix had not been relieved, and St. Leger
had come down to Albany and formed a junction with
Burgoyne, the result would probably have been changed.
Eeturning from Fort Stanwix, Arnold skirmished success-
fully, and restored the spirits of the arm}^, depressed by the
retreat from Ticonderoga. He selected Bemis Heio-hts for
the battle-ground, and fought the battles of the 19tli of
September and the Tth of October.

If this is, indeed, true, and if the conflict at Saratoga was
one of the great battles which have influenced the fate of
nations; if this was the decisive contest of the Kevolution;
if it was fought by Arnold, and his blood contributed to
the victory, should he not have the credit, so dearly
earned? Give all honor to Schuyler; give to Mo7*gan,
Stark, Dearborn, and others, all praise as brave partisans
but let history be just and truthful, and record that Bene-
dict Arnold was the hero of the campaign of 1777, and of
the battles of Saratoga.

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 217.

CHAPTER XI.

WASHINGTON'S FRIENDSHIP-ARNOLD'S GENEROSITY.

"I take the liberty of presenting these (epaulettes and sword-knotts) as a testi-
mony of my sincere regard and approbation of your conduct."— Washinglon to
Arnold. 1

Aenold's Wound— He is Carried to Albany, thence to Connecticut— Recep-
tion AT New Haven— Receives Pistols, Epaulettes and Sword Knots from
Washington— He Supplies Money foe the Education and Maintenance op
THE Orphans of General Warren— Goes to Valley Forge— Washington
Assigns hlm to Command of Philadelphia.

The wound of General Arnold received at the battle of
the 7th of October, was verj severe and painful. In a
letter written from Albany on the evening of October 8th,
it is said : " The brave General Arnold is badly wounded in
his left leg, having received a compound fracture, which
endangers the loss of the limb." ^

Ex-Senator Foster says: "I recollect, further, hearing my
father speak of Arnold's impatience and fretfulness with
the surgeon, who, on looking hastily at his w^ounded leg,
expressed some apprehension that amputation might be
necessary. This, according to my recollection, was on the

field. Arnold thought he should stand " no such d d

nonsense, and that if that was all the surgeon had to say,
the men should lift him upon his horse, and he would see
the action through." ^

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 361.

2. Connecticut Courant of Oct. 15th, 1777.

3. MSS. letter of Hon. L. F. S. Foster, to the author, Oct. 29th, 1877.

(212)

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 213

Arnold's impatience and chagrin must have been increased
by the unmerited honors lav^islied by Congress upon Gates.
So elated was Gates by the victory which had been secured by
the wise preparation of Schuyler and by the valor and the
skill of Arnold and Morgan, and their associates, who fought
the battles of Saratoga, that, in his arrogance, he made no
report of the surrender of Burgoyne, to Washington, the
Commander-in-Chief, but passed him by, in contemptuous
neglect, reporting directly to Congress, and that body,
instead of rebuking the insubordination, on the 4th of
November voted that a gold medal should be struck in his
honor: "Hoeatio Gates, Duci Stremio, Comitia Atneri-
cana^^ — The American Congress to Horatio Gates, the
gallant leader/

Arnold was carried in a litter from the camp at Saratoga
to Albany, and remained there, completely disabled, during
the autumn and much of the winter of 1^77-8. On the
Slth of December, 1777, Dr. J. Brown, a surgeon in the
Continental Army, writing of a visit to the hospital, says:
" General Lincoln is in a fair way of recovery. * * He
is the patient Christian, etc. "^ * N^ot so the gallant
General Arnold, for his wound, though less dangerous in
the beginning than Lincoln's, is not in so fair a way of heal-
ing. He abuses us for a set of ignorant pretenders.*

Late in the winter or early spring, he was able to be
moved to Connecticut, and it is said that on his way, in
passing through Kinderhook, New York, his wound was
still in such a condition that a door post had to be removed
to make room for his litter to enter the house where he was
to pass the night.'

He spent some time in Middletown, Connecticut, and on

1. " General Gates was to be exalted upon the ruins of my reputation and influ-
ence."—TCas/imj/foM to Patrick Henry, Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 515.

2. Kew England Historical and Genealogical Register, Vol. XVIII, p. 34.
J. Heury C. Van Schoick, His. Magazine, Sept. 1778, p. 525.

214 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

the 1st of May, was able to reacli his sister and liis old
home in New Haven. A few days more than a year had
passed since (April 27, 1777.) he had made the desperate
tight at Ridgelield, and during that time he had made the
campaign up the Mohawk, fought the battles near Saratoga,
and he now returned to his friends and neighbors the popu-
lar hero of the campaign of 1777. But the recognition of
his great services by Congress was cold. Gates, who had
not been under fire, was loaded with honors bought by
Arnold's blood. The people, however, impulsive and gen-
erous, received their " fighting general" on his return to his
native State with acclamations. The officers of the army,
the militia, the cadet company, and a throng of the most
respectable citizens of New Haven went out to welcome
the gallant and still sufiTering soldier, to testify their
esteem and conduct him to his home. A salute of thirteen
guns announced to his devoted sister and to his proud and
eager sons his approach.*

From the campaign of 1777, and the surrender of Bur-
goyne, the name of Arnold became a familiar word at
many a home and beside the fireside of many a log cabin
on the banks of the Hudson, the Mohawk, and the New
York lakes, as well as in New England, and was honored
and cherished until he himself brought disgrace upon it.

I have spoken of the cold recognition of Arnold's ser-
vices by Congress, but it was otherwise with the Com-
mander-in-Chief. Thatcher, in his " American Revolution,"
says :

" It is but justice to confess that by bis military pbrensy, or romantic
heroism, Arnold contributed to the honor and success of that day (battle
of Oct. 7th). General Washington had a high sense of his gallantry,
and presented him with a pair of elegant pistols." ^

And on the 20th of January, when transmitting the

1. Connecticut Journal, May 6th, 1778.

2. Appendix to Thatcher's American Revolution, p. 468.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 215

ante-dated commission, so long witlilield hy Conf^ress, con-
ferring upon Arnold tlie rank he had claimed, and directed
to him at Albany, where lie was still confined by his
wounds, Washington closes his letter by saying:

• 'May I venture to ask whether you are upon your legs aji^ain? If you
are not, may I flatter myself that you will be soon? Tliere is none who
wishes more sincerely for this event than I do, or who will receive the
information with more pleasure. * * * As soon as your situation
will permit, I request that you will repair to this army, it being my
earnest wish to have your services the ensuing campaign." '

A few days after Arnold reached New Haven, lie received
the following letter from Washington:

'•Valley Forge, 7 May, 1778.
"Dear Sir: —

" A gentleman in France having very obligingly sent me three sets of
epaulettes and sword-knots, two of which, professedly, to be disposed of
to any friends I should choose, I take the liberty of presenting them to
you and General Lincoln, as a testimony of my sincere regard and ap-
probation of your conduct. I have been informed by a Brigade- Major
of General Huntington's, of your intention of repairing to camp
shortly; but, notwithstanding my wish to see you, I must beg that you
will run no hazard by coming out too soon.

" I am sincerely and atfectionately your obedient, etc."*

This testimony of Washington's " sincere regard and ap-
probation " of Arnold's "conduct" and of his sympathy
and affection, were very gratifying, and it seems to me,
coming from one who knew him so well, is entitled to
great consideration in judging of Arnold's character and
conduct previous to his treason.

I now come to other incidents in the life of Arnold
which show that, with all his faults, his heart was warm
with gratitude and generosity; and that he had formed a
friendship for General Warren, which survived the death
of that heroic man, and was manifested in a most liberal
manner towards his children.

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 216.

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 3G1.

216 IJFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

It will be remembered that General Warren, at the time
of Arnold's visit to Cambridge, in 1775, was chairman of
the Committee of Safety, and was an active friend of Ar-
nold's in his expedition to Ticonderoga and St. Johns. The
friendship then formed, and Arnold's grateful recollections
of "Warren's kindness, were not obliterated bj time nor by
the vicissitudes of a soldier's life. Warren, wlien killed at
Bunker Hill, left four children, Elizabeth, Joseph, Mary
and Eichard, all of them under twelve j^ears of age, and
their only inheritance was the name made so illustrious by
the patriotism and death of their father.^ In the spring
of 1778, Arnold learned that these children of his friend
were in want, and that no one had as yet made any pro-
vision for them. He was not at this time a rich man; he
had expended large snms of his own money in the public
service, and his accounts had not been settled and paid by
Congress; yet he did not hesitate in affording liberal aid.
In a letter to Miss Mercy Scollay, he says :

" About three months ago I was informed that my late worthy friend
General Warren, left his affairs unsettled, and that, after paying his debts,
a very small matter, if anything, would remain for the education of his
children, who, to my great surprise, I find have been entirely neglected
by the State. Permit me to beg your continuing your care of the daugh-
ter, and that you will at present take charge of the education of the son.
I make no doubt that his relations will consent that he shall be under
your care. My intention is to use my interest with Congress to provide
for the family. If they decline it, I make no doubt of a handsome col-
lection by private subscription. At all events, / will provide for them in
a manner suitable to their birth, and the grateful sentiments I shall ever
feel for the memory of my friend. 1 have sent to you by Mr. Hancock
five hundred dollars for the present. I wish you to have Kichard clothed
handsomely, and sent to the best school in Boston. Any expense you are
at, please call on me for, and it shall be paid with thanks." ^

The above letter was written July 15th, 1778. In tlie
following letter to Dr. Townsend, dated Aug. 6th, 1778,
there are interesting details on the same subject.

1. Life of Joseph Warren, by Frotliingham. pp. 542-43.

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 127.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 217

" I wrote you some time since, respecting the children of my late
worthy friend, and requested the favor of your putting Richard to a
school, and soliciting Miss Scollay to keep Betsey. Soon after 1 was in-
formed you had left Boston, and as it was uncertain if you would receive
my letter, I wrote Miss Scollay by Mr. Hancoek, and sent her five hundred
dollars, requesting her to take pa,rticular care of the education of Betsey,
and prevail, if possible, with the relations to have Richard sent to the
best school in Boston at my expense. Mr. Hancock has promised to me
his interest to have the children taken care of. I shall apply to Congress
soon. If they decline, make no doubt of a handsome collection by
private subscriptions. At all events, am determined they shall be pro-
vided for, which fortune has put in my power to effect. I shall be glad
to hear from you at all times and am. Dr. Townsend,

"Your Friend and Humble Servant,

"B. Arnold."'

From a letter writteo by Samuel Adams to Elbridge
Gerry and James Lovell, dated Dec. 20tb, 1779, I make
tbe following extract:

" The two younger children, a boy of about seven years, and a girl
somewhat older, are in the family of John Scollay, Esq., under the par-
ticular care of his daughter, at her most earnest request; otherwise, I sup-
pose, they would have been taken care of by their relations at Roxbury,
and educated as farmer's children usually are. Miss Scollay deserves the
greatest praise for h-jr attention to them. She is exceedingly well quali-
fied for her charge ; and her affection for their deceased father prompts
her to exert her utmost to inculcate in the minds of these children those
principles which may conduce ' to render them worthy of the relation
they stood in ' to him." ^

" General Arnold has assisted, by generously ordering five hundred
dollars towards their support. This I was informed of when I was last
in Philadelphia. I called on him, and thanked him for his kindness to
them. Whether he has done more for them since I cannot say. " ^

Tbe generous sentiments of Arnold for tbe cbildren of
Warren continued to be manifested by occasional supplies
of money, as promised in bis letter to Miss Scollay.

1. New England fflstorical and Genealogical Register, Vol. IX, p. 122.

2. Miss Scollay is said to have been engaged to be married to General Warren,
as his second wife, at the time of his death.

3. Frothingham's Life of Warren, p. 453.

218 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

" Arnold made application to Congrejs for provision for tliese children,
and the application was referred to a committee who reported ' that the
three younger children of General Warren should be maintained at the
public expense, in a manner suitable to their rank in life, till they should
come of ag-e, and at that time one thousand pounds should be given to
each as a portion ' If this report was ever called up, it did'not receive the
sanction of Congress. Arnold persevered, however, in his solicitation,
and at last the point was carried to allow for Ihe support of these children
the half-pay of a major general from the date of their father's death till
the youngest should be of age.

"General Warren had been dead five years, and the annual amount of
half-pay wa=i somewhat more than thirteen hundred dollars, making the
sum due nearly seven thousand dollars, besides the future stipend.
In the congratulatory letter which Arnold wrote to Miss Scollay on this
event, only six weeks before the consummation of his treachery, he reit-
erated his ardent conceirn for the welfare of the children, but complained
that his application to Congsess had been opposed from the beginning by
all the Massachusetts delegates except one. They looked upon the case
as appertaining only to the State of Massachusetts, and as not coming
within the jurisdiction of Congress. Others had the same opinion. The
success of the measure, which every benevolent mind must heartily
approve, may be fairly ascribed to the zeal and perseverance of Arnold." '

The letter of General Arnold to Miss Scollay, referred
to by Sparks in the preceding quotation, is as follows:

"Peaks Hill, Augt. 3rd, 1780.
"Dr. Madam: —

" I must ask pardon for not answering your several letters before, in
particular the one of the 7th inst. I do assure you it was not inatten-
tion, but a hope (deferred from time to time) of giving you an accot-
of the success of my application to Congress in favor of the orphans of
the late General Warren, which I hope you will admit as an apology
I now have the pleasure to inform you that my application has so far sue- ^
ceeded (notwithstanding it has been opposed from the beginning by the
Delegates of the State of Massachusetts Bay, except bj^ Mr. Holton.
Mr. Gerry, in particular, did everything in his power to prevent the
Success of the Appli'n), that Congress have at last Resolved that the
three youngest children (the oldest being provided for) shall receive the
Half pay of a Major-General from the Death of the General untill they
are of age, which will amount to three hundred pounds pr. annum, C.
(Continental) money, in Specie or an equivalent, so that there is five

1. Spark's Life of Arnold, p. 128.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 219

years' pay due, amtg. to the Sura of £1500 in Specie, which the States is
by the Resolution of Congress requested to pay, and to provide the Edu-
cation and clothing, &c., of the Children,

When application was made to Congress, Mr. Gerry opposed it as dis-
agreeable to the Southern States, and a provision which ought to be
made by the State of Massachusetts Bay; when a private subscription
was handed about, he opposed it as dishonorable to the State and the
particular friends and relations of the late General, so that a trifle was
subscribed and nothing collected. It has not been want of Inclination,
but want of ability which has prevented my remitting you the ballance
for the expense of the children. The Public are indebted to me for a con-
siderable Sum which I advanced for them in Canada, and for four years
pay which I cannot obtain. I must request you will present the Acco't
of expenses incurred to the Presid't and Council of Massachusetts Bay
without any mention of my name, and request payment, which I make not
the least doubt, they will not only Comply with but reimburse the Sum
advanced. In a hurry I forgot the Resolution of Congress; I have this day
wrote to Philadelphia for it. When it arrives I will Inclose it to you. If
the State refuses to pay the Acco't., I shall esteem myself obliged to. But
as the Resolution of Congress makes ample provision for them, they will
not stand in need of the assistance of Individuals in future. The Gen-
eral Officers of the Army have within a few days presented a Spirited
Memorial to Congress in behalf of the Widows and orphans of all those
who have fell in the Service of their Country since the Commencement of
the war, and I am not without hopes of our Succeeding in it. Your ob-
servations on the Charitable disposition of People of oppulence is very Just.
Charity, urbanity, and the Social Virtues Seem swallowed up in the tu-
mult and Confusion of the times, and self wholly engrosses the nabobs of
the present day. I am much obliged to you for your tender of services,
and shall be happy at any time to receive a letter from you, and to hear
of the welfare of your charge, as I feel myself greatly interested in their
happiness, and hope you will be enabled to resume the charge of them
soon. Please to present my love to them, and believe me, with great
regard and esteem, Madam,

" Your Obed., Hble. Svt.,

"B. ARNOIiD."

" I wish you' would be good enough to consult with your Friends, as a
proper method of obtaining the Ballance due you of the State; which I
think they cannot, with any Face of Justice, refuse when they have the
Resolution of Congress. But if that should be the Case, you will please
to make out a particular acco't in Specie of the whole Sum you have ad-
vanced, and credit the Sum you have received, that the Ballance may

220 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

appear. For which I may possibly honor an order of Congress for pay-
ment.

"B. A.i

"Miss SCOLLAT."

The action of Cougress referred to was as follows: on the
first of Jul J, 1780.

"On motion of Mr. Livingstone, seconded by Mr. Adams, Congress
came to the following resolutions :

"Whereas, Congress have thought proper to erect a monument to
the memory of Major-General "Warren, in consideration of his distin-
guished merit and bravery, and to make provision for the education of
his eldest son; and whereas, it appears no adequate provision can he
made out of his private fortune for the education and maintenance of his
three younger children : therefore.

Resolved, That it be recommended to the Executive of Massachusetts
Bay to make provision for the maintenance and education of the said
three children of the late Major-general Warren.

Resolved, That Congress will defray the expense thereof, to the
amount of the half-pay of a major-general, to commence at the time of
his death, and continue until the youngest of the said children shall be of
age." *

1. Certified from Department of State at Washington.

2. Frothingham's Life of Joseph Warren, p. 644.

The following is a statement of monies advanced and paid to Miss Mercy
ScoUay, copied from the day-book of General Benedict Arnold, in his own hand-
writing, now in the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania,
at Harrisburg, p. 3.

" 1778. Miss Mercy Scollay to cash Dr.

July 15. To 500 dollars for expenses on acct. of the late Genl. Warren's

children, £150."

(This appears by Arnold's letter to Miss Scollay to have been sent by Hancock.)
[Page 16.]

" Feb. 19, 1779. Miss Mercy Scollay, Dr.

" To cash 500 dollars for the use of the late Gen. Warren's children, sent by
Lieut. Peter Kichards."

There are several accounts of curious interest in this book; among others, one
with Gen. Washington. There are accounts with ships " Mars" and " Jonathan,"
the sloop "Active," the " Charming Nancy," and schooner "General Arnold."

Among the charges are items for arms furnished. There are large transactions
with his sister, Hannah Arnold, showing that she was entrusted with important
business affairs for him."

There are accounts with "Hon. Silas Deane," and items with him about the time,
or soon after, his marriage, for brocades, striped satin, silk, white and green, linen,
cambric, etc.; also accounts with his butler, Ben Provost, for family expenses. Also,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 221

Such was the action of this so-called "sordid," "avaric-
ious" " and grasping" man towards the children of a friend,
who " had rendered him some, and the State great service."

In the diarj of the eminent surgeon, John C. Warren,
who was a near relative of Joseph Warren, dated 1799, at
"Margate, England," is written: "I met General Arnold,
the "traitor," so called. He was there with his family; I
recollect a son, very handsome, and a daugliter. Arnold
was rather a stout man, broad shouldered, large black eyes.
He walked lame from a wound received at the attack on
Quebec, I think."

In May, Arnold arrived at the camp of Washington, at
Yalley Forge. His wound still rendered him unfit for
active service in the field, and as it was expected that the
British would very soon evacuate Philadelphia, the
Commander-in-Chief determined to give him the command
of that city. This would be a new and untried theatre for
one whose true place was on the battle-field. Happy would
it have been for him if he could have remained with Wash-
ington, and shared with his chief the perils and the glory
of the war until the contest closed at Yorktown,

The drama which now opened in the city of Penn, then
the metropolis of the Union, presenting this brave soldier
in the character of an ardent lover and successful suitor of
the belle of Philadelphia, the young, fascinating and beau-
tiful Peggy Shippen, and which ended so darkly at West
Point, I will not enter upon until the next chapter.

"April 2, 1779, Rev. Mr. Barth'w Booth, Dr.

"To cash £600 lawful money, for schooling and boarding Ben and Richard two and
a half years. To £300 for their expenses." These were his two children by his first
wife.

CHAPTER XII.

ARNOLD'S COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE.

" She loved me for the dangers I had passed,
And I loved her that she did pity them."

Philadelphia, dueing the Revolution— Arnold Assumes Command and Succeeds
SiE William Howe in Occupying the Penn House— The Shippen Family
—Major John Andre- The " Mischienza"— Peggy Shippen, the Belle of
Philadelphia— Arnold as hee Suitor— His Courtship— Settles upon her
Mt. Pleasant— His Marriage and Domestic Life— Letter of Hannah
Arnold to Mrs. Arnold at West Point.

On tlie 18th of June, 1778, the British army retired
from Philadelphia, and on the 19th General Arnold, bv
direction of Washington, assumed command of that city.
During .the British occupation, the headquarters of Sir
William Howe, commanding the British force, had been
the mansion which was once the home of Governor Pichard
Penn, the grandson of William Penn. This house was
afterwards repaired by Pobert Morris, and occupied by
President Washington, while the seat of government was
at Philadelphia, and thus it became known as the "Wash-
ington Mansion."

The British army had talcen possession of Philadelphia
on the twenty-sixth of September, ] 777, and for the head-
quarters of the commander they had selected what was
then regarded as the finest house in the city. It was built
of brick, and stood on the south-east corner of Front and
Market streets, "a large, double house, and which with its
(222)

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 223

offices extended bad: one hundred and twentj-one feet,"
and Rush, in his reminiscences says of it, that in 1790 few,
if any, equaled it in Phihidelphia.' Here General Howe
and his brilliant staff of officers and associates, passed a gay
winter in 1T7T-'S.

To such an extent were the gayeties and dissipations car-
ried in this old Quaker city during that time, that Dr.
Franklin said: " General Howe has not taken Philadelphia;
Philadelphia has taken General Howe." He and his asso-
ciates certainly seemed much more interested in the amuse-
ments which occupied their time than in efforts to capture
the army of General Washington. Philadelphia was then
the most important city in America, and its social circles
were among the most cultivated and aristocratic. The gen-
try consisted largely of the old Quaker families and those
connected with the Anglican church, and many of them
possessed wealth, culture, courtly manners and dignified
deportment. The ladies were already distinguished for
their beauty, grace and intelligence. Chastelliix, a French
traveler, says they were graceful and fascinating, and dressed
with elegance. The majority of the so-called fashionable
society people adhered to the crown, and cordially welcomed
General Howe; and during his stay the young English offi-
cers were the leaders and favorites in social gayeties and
amusements. While the British were living in luxury in
the city, and indulging in all sorts of dissij)ation, the
American army under Washington were enduring with
heroic fortitude the hardships of Valle}'- Forge. Amono-
the former, dinner-parties, cock-fights, amateur theatri-
cal performances, and every amusement and dissipa-
sipation idle men could desire, occupied their time.
Among these gay and dashing young soldiers Major John
Andre was a favorite. He was young, handsome and

1. The Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 250. Rush's Reminiscences.

224 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

graceful, and of purer morals and a more refined taste than
many of his associates. He was a welcome gnest in the
house of Edward Shippen, a gentleman of rank, character
and fortune, and of one of the most respected families in
Philadelphia, and who, although he took no very decided part
on either side during the war, and was generallj^ regarded as a
loyalist, yet such was his high personal character, that he was,
after its termination, elected Chief Justice of Pennsylvania.
Andre, though a brave and efficient soldier, was still more
distinguished as a favorite in society, and was ever ready,
both with his pen and pencil, to contribute to its amuse-
ments. He wrote graceful verses, arranged plays for exhi-
bition, painted scenery and drop-curtains, and was himself
an accomplished actor.

Among the amusements and gayeties of the winter of
1778, was the celebrated llischienza, a pageant, play and
mock tournament, gotten up in honor of General Howe.
It was a novel and splendid entertainment, and in conse-
quence, perhaps, of the very prominent part taken in its
preparation and performance by the unfortunate Major
Andre, and the appearance in it of Miss Peggy Shippen,
afterwards the wife of General Arnold," it has always been
regarded with historic interest. The scene of this brilliant
pageant, which took place on the eighteenth of May, 1778,
was at Walnut Grove, the country seat of Joseph Wharton,^
a fine old country house, surrounded by a noble park of
venerable trees, the grounds extending to the banks of the
Delaware.

The Queen of the Mischienza has represented Andre
as " the charm of the company." He seems to have been
the leader of the whole affair, and his costumes, verses, etc..
were all very clever. The knights and ladies who appeared
were divided into two parties; one designated as that of

1. Ilistoric Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 4C6.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 225

the " Burning Mountain," and the other as the " Blended
Rose."

Among the other incidents of the spectacle was a tourna-
ment, arranged and conducted in accordance with the cus-
toms and usages of ancient chivalry. Knights, mounted
on trained horses and armed as in the olden time; ladies
dressed in brilliant costumes, with favors with which they
were to reward the knights who contended in their honor.
The party designated as "The Knights of the Blended
Rose," were led by Lord Cathcart, and with him were as-
sociated six knights, each with his squire, and each selected
one of the ladies in honor of whom he was to contend in
the lists.

Third on the list of this party was Captain John xindre,
in honor of Miss P. Chew; his device, two game cocks
fighting; motto. No Bival. The sixth knight of this
party was Lieutenant Sloper, in honor of Miss M. Shippen ;
device, a heart and sword; motto. Honor, and the Fair.

Captain Watson, of the guards, was the chief of the
party, designated as " The Knights of the Burning Moun-
tain," supported by six knights, each-attended by his squire,
and each to contend in honor of the lady of his choice.
The second knight of those making up the party of " The
Burning Mountain" was Lieutenant Winyard, in honor of
Miss Peggy Shippen; device, a bay -leaf; motto, " uncJiange-
alileP * These two parties, superbly mounted — those of
the Blended Rose on gray, and those of the Burning Moun-
tain on black horses — now contended in the lists, accord-
ing to the rules of chivalry, with lance and shield
and sword, for the honor of their several ladies, "as supe-
rior in wit, beauty and accomplishment to those of the
Mhole world." After the tournament followed the bestowal
of favors, a brilliant ball, splendid fireworks and illuraina-

1. Sargent's Life of Andre, p. 172, etc.
15

226 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

tions. Among these gay and brilliant actors Andre and
Miss Sliippen, afterwards Mrs. Arnold, were conspieiions.
This gay young soldier, and this lovely maiden, then only
eighteen years of age, bright and joyous, mingling in
scenes of romance and mimic chivalry, happy in the present,
and hope lighting np all the future; happy that the veil
was drawn, shutting out from the one his tragic death upon
the scaffold, and from the other her clouded life, her exile
from home and friends — yet a life devoted to duty in sooth-
ing the perturbed spirit of a bitterly disappointed man, a
life which opened- so brilliantly to go out in darkness. The
spectacle was altogether a very brilliant affair * * but
provoked much ridicule, and the inquiry was often made
what had General Howe done, during his more than half-
year's indolent and luxurious occupation of the city, to
merit such an ovation ?

As the British retired from the city, Arnold entered and
assumed command, and took possession, as his headquarters,
of the same Penn House which Howe had so lately occu-
pied.

Wliatever may have been the character of those who pre-
ceded him, and however effeminate their amusements, he
was no " carpet-knight." I^ot in the tilting yard, nor at the
tournament, nor in any form of mimic war, had his laurels
been won. In the wilderness, by the severest hardships
and sufferings, beneath the walls of Quebec, on the Lake,
against the most decisive odds, on the field, in the midst of
carnage and blood, had he earned the character which
induced Washington to express a desire to have " his ser-
vices the ensuing campaign,"' ' and to ask him to join the
main array, as soon as his wounds would permit active field
service.

1. Washington to Arnold, January 20th, 1778, Sparks' Writings of Washington
Vol. V, p. 21G.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 227

It lias already been stated tLat the Sliippen family was,
at the time of the Revolution, one of the most distinguished
and respected in Philadelphia. Edward Shippen had three
daughters who took part in the MiscTiienza — Miss S. Ship-
pen, Miss M. Shippen, and Miss Peggy Shippen, who became
Mrs. Arnold.^ The latter was the " darling of the family cir-
cle." Young, extremely beautiful and graceful, and with a
magnetism, of person and manner which drew to her in love
and admiration, every one who came within her influence.
Washington said to Lafayette, "Ah, Marquis, you young men
are all in love with Mrs. Arnold.'" Tarlton and other return-
ing oflicers, after she went to London, reported that " she
was the handsomest woman in England." The enthusiasm
with which Hamilton, in his letter to Miss Schuyler, de-
scribes her will not be forgotten. I have read her letters to
her father, husband and family, from the time of her mar-
riage to her death, and there is throughout an exhibition
of filial tenderness and respect; a conjugal devotion,
purity, elevation and dignity, which indicate a warm and
affectionate heart, a Christian fortitude, and a cultivated
intellect, rare as beautiful.

"While Philadelphia was held b}^ the British, as has been
stated, courtesies were reciprocated between the families of
wealth and social position and the British officers, and the
brilliant Major Andre was a frequent and welcome visitor
at the Shippen's; and there is yet preserved among them
as an heir-loom, a pen-and-ink sketch of Miss Peggy Ship-
pen, in the costume of the Mischienza, drawn by Andre.
When Arnold took command in Philadelphia, crippled
with honorable wounds in the service of his country, few
soldiers in the American army had a higher reputation for
skill, and none were more distinguished for personal cour-

1. Sargent's Life of Andre, pp. 171-2.

2. Irving's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 137.

228 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

age. These are qualities which the people always appre-
ciate, and those possessing them have in all ages been the
especial admiration of women. Arnold was "still young,
only thirty-six, of manly bearing, splendid physique, and yet
bore visible marks, both in his appearance and his move-
ments, of the wounds he had received. It is not surprising
that he should have captivated the fancy and won. the heart
of the beautiful and fascinating Miss Shippen.

A member of the Shippen family says " there can be no
doubt the imagination of Miss Shippen was excited, and her
heart captivated by the oft repeated stories of his gallant
deeds, his feats of brilliant courage, and traits of generosity
and kindness, such as his contributions towards the educa-
tion of the orphan children of General Warren." ^

It was not long before he was the declared suitor for the
hand of Miss Shippen. In a note to her father, asking his
permission to address his daughter, Arnold says, among
other things:

"My fortune is not large, thougli sufficient (not to depend upon my
expectations) to make us both happy. I neither expect nor wish one
with Miss Shippen. * * My public character is well known; my
private one is, I hope, irreproachable. If I am happy in your approba-
tion of my proposals of an alliance, I shall most M'illingly accede to any
you may please to make consistent with the duty I owe to three lovely
children. Our difference in political sentiments, will, I hope, be no bar
to my happiness. I flatter myself the time is at hand when our unhappy
contests will be at an end, and peace and domestic happiness be restored
to every one." * *

On the 25th of September, he made to her the following
formal declaration of his love and oiFer of his hand:

"Dear Madam: —

" Twenty times have I taken up my pen to write to you, and as often
has my trembling hand refused to obey the dictates of my heart— a
heart which, though calm and serene amidst the clashing of arms and
all the din and horrors of war, trembles with diffidence and the fear of

1. Shippen Papers.

J

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 229

giving offence when it attempts to address you on a subject so important
to its happiness. Dear madam, your charms have lighted up a flame in
my bosom which can never be extinguished; your heavenly image is too
deeply impressed ever to be effaced.

" My passion is not founded on personal charms only: that sweetness
of disposition and goodness of heart, that sentiment and sensibility which
so strongly mark the character of the lovely Miss P. Shippen, renders
her aimiable beyond expression, and will ever retain the heart she has
once captivated. On you alone my happiness depends, and will you
doom me to languish in despair? Shall I expect no return to the most
sincere, ardent and disinterested passion? Do you feel no pity in your
gentle bosom for the man who would die to make you happy? May I
presume to hope it is not impossible I may make a favorable impression
on your heart? Friendship and esteem you acknowledge. Dear Peggy,
suffer that heavenly bosom (which cannot know itself the cause of pain
without a sympathetic pang) to expand with a sensation more soft,
moi'e tender than friendship. A union of hearts is undoubtedly necessary
to happiness; but give me leave to observe that true and permanent hap-
piness is seldom the effect of an alliance founded on a romantic passion ;
where fancy governs more than judgment. Friendship and esteem, found-
ed on the merit of the object, is the most certain basis to build a lasting
happiness upon; and when there is a tender and ardent passion on one
side, and friendship and esteem on the other, the heart (unlike yours)
must be callous- to every tender sentiment if the taper of love is not
lighted up at the flame.

"I am sensible your prudence and the affection you bear your amiable
and tender parents forbids your giving encouragement to the addresses
of any one without their approbation. Pardon me. Dear Madame, for
disclosing a passion I could no longer confine in my tortured bosom. I
have presumed to write to your Papa, and have requested his sanction to
my addresses. Suffer me to hope for your approbation. Consider be-
fore you doom me to misery, which I have not deserved but by loving
you too extravagantly. Consult your own happiness, and if incompatible,
forget there is so unhappy a wretch; for may I perish if I would give
you one moment's inquietude to purchase the greatest possible felicity to
myself. Whatever my fate may be, my most ardent wish is for your
happiness, and my latest breath will be to implore the blessing of heaven
on the idol and only wish of my soul.

"Adieu, dear Madame, and believe me unalterably, your sincere ad-
mirer and devoted humble servant,

"B, Arnold.
" Sept. 25, 1778.

"Miss Peggy Shippen."

230 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

This is not the language of a man whose attentions had
been wasted npon unworthy objects, but the words express
a genuine, manly, honest attachment. This letter warmly
expresses a passion, ardent, sincere, and so true and gener-
ous, that he is unwilling to purchase his own supreme hap-
piness at the expense of hers. " May I perish," says the
blunt soldier, " if I would give you one moment's inquie-
tude to purchase the greatest j)ossible felicity to myself."

It has been said that her father opposed their marriage;
if so, the opposition was not persistent. On the 21st of
December, 1778, Mr. Shippen says:

" I gave my daughter Betsy to Neddy Burd last Thursday evening,
and all is jollity and mirth. My youngest daughter is much solicited by
a certain General on the same subject. Whether this will take place or
not depends on circumstances. If it should, it will not be till spring."^

On the second of January, 1779, Edward Shippen, senior,
grand-father of Peggy, writes to Colonel Burd, from Lan-
caster, " We understand that General Arnold, a fine gentle-
man, lays close siege to Peggy; and if so, there will be
another match in the family."^ It appears that his ardent
passion was soon reciprocated, for on the eightli of Febru-
ary, 1779, he writes to her with the fervor of an accepted
lover:

•'Camp at Raeitan, February 8th, 1779.
"My Dearest Lipe:^

" Never did I so ardently long to see or hear from you as at this in-
stant. I am all impatience and anxiety to know how you do; six days'
absence, without hearing from my dear Peggy, is intolerable. Heavens!
what must I have suffered had I continued my journey — the loss of hap-
piness for a few dirty acres. I can almost bless the villanous roads, and
more villanous men, who oblige me to return. I am heartily tired with
my journey, and almost so with human nature. I daily discover so much
baseness and ingratitude among mankind that I almost blush at being
of the same species, and could quit the stage without regret was it not
for some gentle, generous souls like my dear Peggy, who still retain the

1. Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, pp. 221-222.

2. Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 222.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 281

lively impression of their Maker's image, and who, with smiles of be-
nignity and goodness, make all happy around them. Let me beg of you
not to suffer the rude attacks on me to give you one moment's uneasi-
ness; they can do me no injury. I am treated with the greatest politeness
by General Washington and the officers of the army, who bitterly exe-
crate Mr. Eeed and the Council for their villanous attempt to injure me.
They have advised me to proceed on my journey. The badness of the
roads will not permit, was it possible to support an absence of four weeks,
for in less time I could not accomplish it. The day after to-morrow I
leave this, and hope to be made happy by your smiles on Friday evening;
'till then all nature smiles in vain; for you alone, heard, felt, and seen,
possess my every thought, fill every sense and pant in every vein.

" Clarkson will send an express to meet me at Bristol; ' make me happy
by one line, to tell me you are so ; please to present my best respects to
your mamma and the family. My prayers and best wishes attend my
dear Peggy. Adieu! and believe me, sincerely and afFeciionately thine.

"B. Arnold.

" Miss Peggy Shippen."

On tlie twenty-second of March, 1779, General Arnold,
in anticipation of his marriage, purchased the fine old
country seat called Mount Pleasant, situated on the east
bank of the Schuylkill, and made a settlement of the estate
on himself for life, "remainder to his wife and children."
Two weeks thereafter General Arnold and Peggy Shippen
were married at the residence of her father, a fine sub-
sttantial mansion on the west side of Fourth street.''

He was still so far disabled by the wound received at
Saratoga, that during the marriage ceremony he was com-
pelled to lean upon the arm of a fellow soldier, and when
seated his limb was supported by a camp stool,^ His con-
dition rendered him only the more interesting to the lovely
bride. To her he was then and ever a hero.

The beautiful country seat of Mount Pleasant, which he
settled upon his wife and children, is still standing in Fair-
mount Park. The mansion stands on a bhifi\, overlookine-

' o

1. Major Mathew Clakson, of New York, was one of Arnold's aids.
2 Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 223.
3. Watson's Aunals, Vol. Ill, p. 448.

232 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

tlie Sclinylkill, to wliicli the grounds extended. A broad
walk from the front led down to the banks of the river; a
carriage drive passed around the house; out-houses for
coachman and gardner, and carriage house and barn were
in the rear, and the whole situated in extensive grounds,
well wooded with grand old oaks, sycamores, and ever-
greens. John Adams, dining at this mansion in Octpber,
1775, says it is "the most elegant seat in Pennsylvania."'
Here, and at his house in the city, Arnold resided until
his removal to West Point. Here he gave those splendid
entertainments, costly beyond his means, which involved
him in debt, and which ultimately contributed to his ruin.
He kept his coach and four, and lived altogether in a style
of ostentation and expense entirely beyond his fortune, and
mibecoming the officer of a country so poor and struggling
with poverty as ours then was.^ His entertainments were
frequent, and his guests were numerous, and embraced
nearly all the members of Congress and the officers of the
army, as well as the fashion of the city. ""When M.
Gerard, the French Embassador, lirst arrived in Philadel-
phia, he was entertained at a public dinner given by General
Arnold, and for several days afterwards the Embassador
and his suite occupied apartments at his house." ' On his
trial by court-marshal, when charged with entertaining
tories and neglecting the friends of his countrj^, he says:
"With respect to the gentlemen in civil life and the army,
I can appeal to the candor of Congress and the Army, as
scarcely a day has passed but many of both were enter-
tained by me ;" and in regard to the reproach of entertain-

1. Historic Mansions of Philadelphia, p. 214.

2. In a schedule of his property confiscated in Philadelphia, are mentioned
among other things, "horses and carriages," "furniture, bedding-and linen, &c.,
of the value of £300, book*!, electrical machine, mycroscope of the value of £200,
china, glass, etc., etc., £50."

3 Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 116.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 233

ing those m'Iio adhere to the crown, he said : " It is enough
for me, Mr, President, to contend with ine7i in i\\e field. ''^ ^

Here, on the nineteenth of March, 1780, was born to him
a son — Edward Shippen. His domestic life wliile in Phil-
adelphia, notwithstanding his difficulties and annoyances
with the authorities of Pennsylvania, was a very happy one.
The affection between himself and wife seems to have been
tender, constant and uninterrupted. His sister, Hannah,
with his youngest son, Henry, by his first wife, visited him,
and remained some time in his family, while his two older
sons, Ben and Richard, were away at school. A letter from
the sister to Mrs. Arnold, dated September tenth, 1780,
gives a vivid picture of the affection and happiness of this
family, and shows how devotedly attached to each other
were all its members.

"Monday, September 10, 1780.

" I address you, my dear Mrs. Arnold, from the rej^ions of gloom and
solitude; but when this splenatic scrawl will reach you, know not, for at
present have not the shadow of a conveyance for it.

" This is Monday, the fourth day since your departure, and I have not
once in the whole time step'd my foot over the threshold of our own door,
and have scarcely been off the bed two hours together; have had the
slight but troublesome fever that has so indiscrimin ately attact'd all
orders of people (old maids not exempted.) Mrs. Burd has been in the
same situation with myself, so that we have as yet not seen each other. Mr.
Burd has kindly called once or twice; if you could conceive how we miss
you and the dear little bantling, you would pity us. Harry was incon-
solable the whole day you left us, and had, I beheve, not less than twenty
the most violent bursts of grief; his little brother Edward seems to be
the principal theme of the mournful song — not one day has escaped
without his sheding tears at his absence; he laments that just as he
began to know and love his brother, he must be removed so far from
him that he cannot even hear how he do9s ; this day with a falling tear,
he observ'd to me that he thought it very hard when he had so few
relations, that they should all be at such a distance from him; must own
the observation call'd forth a sympathetic drop from my eyes. Am
extremely anxious to know how you perform your journey; am very

1. Court-marshal Trial of General Arnold, p. 132.

234 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

fearful for the poor little sore-lieacled boy, and am surpriz'd that I have
not heard a syllable from you, but comfort myse;f with the thought that
no news is good news, as I cannot imagine but I should have heard it,
if any material accident had befallen you. Yesterday got a letter from
your anxious husband, who, lover-like, is tormenting himself with a
thousand fancied disasters which have happened to you and the family;
however hope by the day after to-morrow you will be able to remove all
his distressing fears. Heaven guard you safely to him, for in your life
and happiness his consists.

" Your papa was in yesterday; the family at the Cottage were all well,
and had just heard your mamma was gone down to your aunt Pierce's —
my head aches, and as I am sleepy, will close my letter for to-night;
sweet re^:ose to you and yours. —

'''Monday Morning — Had wrote the above, hoping some opportunity
would pi-esent for sending it; and left it unseal'd to make whatever addi-
tions I found proper; but none presenting, had left it in statu, quo; was
just dressing myself, with an intent to creep out and make Mrs. Hunt-
ington a morning visit, when Punch' came ti-ipping up stairs (showing
his teeth), with a letter in his hand from mistress: I broke the seal with
eager solicitude, and am more than hapyy to find you performed your
journey as far as Brunswick with so much ease and pleasure; may they
both attend in your train to the end of it; — am rcjoic'd at the account
you give me of Edward; hope the little rogue holds out as well as he be-
gan; reckon he will this night finish his first grand tour. —

" Sent just now to see how Mrs. Burd was; have for answer that she
is much better; if my morning's visiting don't make me sick, design see-
ing her in the evening. —

*' Thursday — Nothing new to-day. Saw Mrs. Burd last night, and we
have made an appointment to Mrs. Morris's to-morrow.^ — family affairs
go on smooth; find I have got a steady, clever, industrious old cook; she
has been out only once to church, and seems to have no inclination for
gadding; your papa keeps Mrs. Allen's house for you, or himself; which
takes it will be determined soon; he thinks Mrs. Allen's, on some ac-
counts, most convenient for him, and knows the one we are now in, most
so for you; for my part, wish he may find it most convenient to take
Mrs. Allen's himself.

"Friday Evening — Am just returned from Mrs. Morris's where I drank
tea with Mr. and Mrs. Isaac Cope, two Miss Marshalls, Miss Nellie

1. A Negro servant.

2. Mrs. Robert Morris, wife of the financier.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 235

McCall,' Mrs. Harrison,^ Mrs. Burd,' Miss Sally Morris,* of New Jersey,
and another Miss — name unknown, the two Mr. Coxes, ° all the beaux we
had to help ourselves with. Hear nothing- from the little boys at Mary-
land.* Mr. and Mrs. Mead are just annonc'd; adieu for to-night.

Saturday Evening — The day has passed off without hearing one lisp
from you; I cannot account for it, unless by delays on the road; promise
myself you are now happy with my brother; hope you have by this
reach'd, and Edward quite well of his sore head. Your papa has been
unwell for a few days, but is better; he went from here two hours since;
all well at the cottage. Your mamma is not yet return'd. Harry de-
sires his duty to papa and mamma, his love to Edward and Betsy; he says
he wishes mamma would please to kiss Edward one hundred times for
him, and when her hand is in, she may, if she pleases, give him fifty for
his aunt; make my love to my brother, if you please. I shall expect
letters the first and all opportunities, and am with sincere esteem and
regard. Yours, H. Arnold.

' ' I have nothing to say in excuse for this ill pen'd scrawl, but that wri-
ting is not my talent. H. A." '

1. Daughter of Samuel McCall.

2. Mrs. Henry Harrison. Her husband was mayor of Philadelphia in 1762. She
was the daughter of Mathias Aspden. Her half-brother, Mathias Aspden, was a
loyalist. His daughter was the wife of Bishop White.

3. Elisabeth, eidest daughter of Chief Justice Shippen, wife of Edward Burd.

4. Sister of Governeur Morris, and who was probably in charge of her brother's
household, as he was then unmarried.

5. The two Messrs. Coxe must have been John D. Coxe, and his brother Tench
Coxe. Vide Sabine's Loyalists. Hildeburn, of Philad.

6. Gen. Arnold's sons, Ben and Richard.

7 Autograph letter from State Department at Washington.

As an illustration of the care and tenderness of General Arnold towards his
wife and child, I copy from a paper in the oflBee of the Secretary of State at Wash-
ington, in Arnold's own hand-writing :

" Directions for Mrs. Arnold on Her way to West Point :

"You must by all means get out of the Carriage, Crossing all Ferries, and going
over large Bridges to prevent accidents.

" Your first night's stage will be at Bristol, Mr. Coxe's, 20 miles.

" The second at Trenton, Banagers, unless you (go) to G. Dickinson's or Col.
Caduc, 10 miles.

"The third night to Brunswick, Mrs. Mamners, a good house, 28 miles. If the
weather is warm, and this stage too long, you can lodge at Princeton, 12 miles from
Trenton.

" The fourth night at Newark, 2G miles. If this stage is too long you can stop 6
miles short, at Elizabethtown, or if any danger is apprehended from the enemy,
you will be very safe riding a few miles out of the common road.

•' The fifth night at Paramas, 12 miles.

" The sixth night, Judge Coe's, 14 miles; and, if not fatigued, to John Smith, Esqr.,

236 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Tims I have sjiven a phase of General Arnold's domestic
life in Philadelphia — his courtship and marriage. This
has been done without mingling with it his public conduct.
In the next chapter I shall return to his public life, and
endeavor to give a truthful narrative of his difficulties with
the authorities of Pennsylvania, his trial by court martial,
and his reprimand by Washington.

6 miles further, and only three from King's Ferry, where you will be hospitably
received and well accommodated. You will get tolerable beds at Coe's, and from
thence on south can reach West Point next day with ease, as you will go from
King's Ferry by water, so that in seven days if the weather is cool, you will
perform the journey with ease. At Paramas you will be very politely received by
Mrs. Watkins, Mrs. Provost, very genteel people. 1 Let me beg of you not to make
your Stages so long as to fatigue yourself and the Dr Boy, if you should be much
longer in coming."

1. Mrs. Provost was a Loyalist of social distinction, and was afterwards married
to Aaron Burr.

CHAPTER XIII.

ARNOLD'S CONTROVERSY WITH THE AUTHORITIES OF
PENNSYLVANIA.

"His (Arnold's) brilliant services spoke elrquently in his favor. His admirers
repined that a fame won by such daring exploits on the field should be st.flcd
down by cold calumnies in Philadelphia, and many thought dispassionately that
the State authorities had acted with excessive harshness towards a meritorious
officer in widely spreading their charges against him, and thus in a:i unprece-
dented way putting a public brand upon him."— Washiii:,ton Irving.

Arnold's Conduct in Command of Philadelphia— His Controveesy with
President Reed and the Authorities of Pennsylvania— The Action of
Congress— Reports op Committee Exonerating Him — A Court-Martial
Ordered for his .Trial.

It is \Qj purpose, in the following pages, to examine the
conduct of General Arnold in Philadelphia, and the charges
made against him bj the authorities of Pennsylvania, and
endeavor to determine how far he was guilty of conduci
indicating a want of integrity as a man, and honor as a
soldier. The most unqualified language of condemnation
has generally been used against him, and the decision of the
court-martial by which he was tried, has been cited as estab-
lishing his guilt. So far from this, the judgment of the court
though in form guilty on two charges, was substantially an
acquittal. Tlie so-called reprimand of Washington was an
eulogy, such as has rarely been bestowed upon a public
officer, and its warm commendation and generous sympa-
thy— following the severe charges so widely circulated —
(237)

238 LIFE OF be:n^edict aexold.

were intended to, and did, express "Washington's confidence
and respect. "Washington Irving, who hated Arnold's
treason, but loved justice, in his life of "Washington, says :
"We have considered the -particnlaYS of this trial atten-
tively^ discharging from our minds, as much as possible, all
impressions produced by Arnold's subsequent history, and
we are surprised to find after the hostility manifested against
him by the Council of Pennsylvania, and their extraordi-
nary measures to possess the public mind against him; how
venial are the trespasses of which he stood convicted." ^

" In regard to both charges nothing fraudulent on the
part of Arnold was found." ^

Let us then, forgetting his treason, endeavor to investi-
gate the facts fairly, and see whether Irving's conclusions
were just or otherwise.

Arnold, as the military commander of the confederation
at Philadelphia, held a very difiicult and delicate position.
The jealousy which has always existed between State rights
and National authority, was at that time peculiarly sensi-
tive, and the line separating the one from the other was not
clearly defined. This city, during the period of British
occupation, had been the residence of a large number of
loyalists and active tories. In it was much property and
merchandise belonging to those who were unfriendly to the
cause of Ifational independence, ^y a resolution of Con-
gress, adopted June 5th, 1778, the Commander-in-Chief
was directed to suspend the removal, sale or transfer of
goods in Philadelphia, until a joint commission of that
body, and of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania,
should determine whether it was the property of the King,
or any of his subjects. General Washington, in his instruc-
tions to General Arnold, dated on the 18th of June,

1. Irving's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 22.

2. Irving's Life of Wasliington, Vol. IV, p. 22.

Ills PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 239

enclosed this resohition, and directed him to see that the
resolution of Con(:^ress was enforced/

Arnold, on the 19th of June, issued his proclamation, re-
citing the resolution of Congress, the instructions of General
Washington, and ordering the shops and stores closed.
This was done at the suggestion of leading patriots of Phila-
delphia, and the proclamation was written by General lieed
himself, one of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania,
and Arnold's chief accuser.''

This proclamation was an arbitrary exercise of military
authority, and produced great dissatisfaction, and rendered
General Arnold personally unpopular; but it was simply
an obedience of orders; and yet this, with other acts on his
part, led to the controversy between him and the Executive
Council of the State, and to their presenting charges to
Congress against him, some of which were referred to a
court-ma,rtial for trial. But inasmuch as the court-martial
found that though the shops and stores were shut by Gen-
eral Arnold's orders, they were of opinion that he was jus-
tified by the resolution of Congress of the 5th of June, and
the Commander-in-Chief's instructions on the 18th of June,
these orders are only important in this connection as
showing the origin of the unfortunate controvers}^ It was
Arnold's misfortune that it became his duty to execute an ar-
bitrary and very unpopular order, and in doing so he became
the object of a personal hostility, which his own haughty
and unyielding temper did little to conciliate. His style of
living aggravated the dislike which his military orders had
created.

As stated on a preceding page, he kept a splendid estab-
lishment, had his carriages and horses, gave expensive en-
tertainments, and exhibited an ostentatious display which

1. See Trial of Arnold, for Resolution of Congress. Washington's Instructions,
etc., pp. IS-IO.

2. Arnold's Trial -testimony of Maj r Franks.

240 LIFE OF BEJs'EDICT AKNOLD.

was beyond liis means, and nnbecoming liis position.' He
was at the same time an open and avowed suitor of Miss
Shippen — having obtained the sanction of her father to his
addresses, and her family were not friendly to the cause of
independence. Indeed, it was said that " he had courted
the loyalists from the start." '

General Joseph Eeed, who was then one of the Executive
Council, and who led the State authorities against Arnold,
writing to General Greene, says: " Will you not think it
extraordinary that General Arnold made a public enter-
tainment the night before last, of which not only tory
ladies, but the wives and daughters of persons proscribed
by the State, and now with the enemy at ]N"ew York, farmed
a considerable num,ber." '

Irving, in commenting upon this, says:

"Regarded from a different point of view, this conduct
might have been attributed to the courtesy of a gallant sol-
dier, who scorned to carry the animosity of the field into
the drawing room, or to proscribe and persecute the wives
and daughters of political exiles." *

Yet all who have witnessed the violence of party spirit
in time of war, will understand how little such " courtesy "
would be appreciated by heated partisans, and how extremely
obnoxious a person exercising it, would become in a city
where party feeling was intense and bitter. The feeling
towards General Arnold growing out of these various causes,
became so hostile and annoying that he seems to have
formed the idea of retiring from the army, and becoming a
large landholder and leading a country life. His approach-
ing marriage with Miss Shippen, and the prospect of a
home in the country with her, doubtless added to the at-

1. Irving's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 12.

2. Irving's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 14.

3. Irving'.s Washington, Vol. IV, p. 14.

4. Irving's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 15.

niS PATRIOTISM AND rflS TREASON. 241

tractions of this project. His plan was to obtain a grant of
land in western New York, and to establish there a settle-
ment of the officers and soldiers who had served under him,
and with whom he was always personally popular. With
these and such others as might join the enterprise, he hoped
to build up a successful settlement, retrieve his pecuniary
embarrassments, and realize the kind of life he had wit-
nessed on the part of General Schuyler, and other large and
wealthy land owners of New York. A country house sur-
rounded by a large landed estate, the building up of a pros-
perous settlement, was to him veiy attractive, and such was
his power over men, that he would most probably have been
successful. In a letter to Schuyler he declares his ambi-
tion is to be " a good citizen rather than shining in
histoiy."

The enterprise was submitted to the delegation in Con-
gress from New York, and to the pure-minded John Jay,
its President, by all of whom it was cordially approved.
The delegation wrote a joint letter to Governor Clinton,
requesting his aid and council in obtaining the favorable
action of the Legislature. '• To you. Sir," they say, " and
to our State, General Arnold can require no recommenda-
tion; a series of distinguished services entitle him to re-
spect and favor." '

President Jay, writing to Governor Clinton, said:

" I wish that in treating with him (ArnoM), they (the Legislature) may
recollect the services he has rendered to his country, and the value of
such a citizen to any State that may gain him. Several otlier general
officers have thoughts of settling in our State, and the prevailing reason
they assign for it is, the preference for our Constitution to that of other
States. They consider it as having the principles of stability and vigor
as well as of liberty; advantages which the loose and less guarded kind*
of government cannot promise. I have no doubt but that generosity to
Ganeral Arnold will be justice to the State." '^

1. Spark's Life of Arnold, p. 135.

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 135.

16

242 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Alas! who will not join in the regret that this enter-
prise was not successful, and this man, who then numbered
among his warm and devoted friends, some of the purest
and best patriots of the Eevolution, have been diverted
from the dark crime which lay in the future.

But it was not so to be; while on his way to New York,
in furtherance of this enterprise, he stopped at the camp of
Washington on the Earitan, and there received intelligence
of the attack made upon him by General Eeed and the
Council of Pennsylvania, and of the charges they had
printed and circulated against him, and he hastily returned
to meet these charges, and became involved in a long and
irritating controversy, which led to his ruin. From the
camp of Washington he wrote the impassioned letter to
Miss Shippen, of February 8th, 1779, set forth in the pre-
ceding chapter.

Almost immediately after his departure from Phila-
delphia on this trip, the Executive Council of Penns^dvania
sent to Congress their complaints and grievances, embodied
in eight charges of misconduct and culpability on the part
of General Arnold. Printed copies of these charges were
widely circulated, one of which reached him in the camp of
Washington, They were published in the newspapers of
Pennsylvania and Maryland.

In the absence of General Arnold, Major Clarkson, his
aid, immediately on the 8th of February, published a card
to the public, asking them to suspend their judgment, " and
complaining of the injustice of condemning an absent man
unheard," and of the cruelty of those who, having made
the charges, ordered them to be published and circulated
before trial." General Arnold's first solicitude was to pre-
vent any stain upon his honor in the mind of Miss Shippen,
to whom he wrote as before stated. On the day following
his letter to her, from the camp at Earitan, he sent a card

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 243

to tlie public, in which, after referrin<^ to his services in
the cause of "his country for nearly four years, he complains
of the " cruel and malicious charges " wliich the President
and Council of Pennsylvania had preferred against him to
Congress; and also of their having ordered copies of the
charges to be printed, and dispersed through the several
States, for the purpose of prejudicing the minds of the pub-
lic, while the matter is in suspense/

The personal liostility in which these charges originated
may be inferred from the circular signed by Joseph Eeed,
addressed to the Governor of each of the States, enclosing
the charges, and asking that they be communicated to the
Legislature of each State. It is not surprising, I think, in
view of this action, that Irving should call attention to the
hostility manifested by the Council of Pennsylvania, and
"their extraordinary measure to prepossess the public mind
against him.* "Many thought, dispassionately, that the
State authorities had acted with extren:;e harshness towards
a meritorious officer in widely spreading these charges
against him thus in. an unprecedented way, putting a public
brand upon him."

Arnold promptly requested Congress to direct a court-
martial to inquire into his conduct.

The following are the charges preferred against General
Arnold :="

" First— Thai while in the camp of General Washington at Valley-
Forge, last Spring, he gave permission to a vessel belonging to persons
then voluntarily residing in this city with the enemy, and of disaffected
character, to come into a port of the United States without tiie knowl-
edge of the authority of the State, or of the Commander-in-Chief, though
then present.

"Second — In having shut up the shops and stores on his arrrival in the

1. See Trial of Arnold, for cards of Major Clarkson and General Arnold in full,
pp. 153-154.

2. Irving s Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 17.

3. Trialof Arnold, pp. 5, 6, 7, etc.

244 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

city, so as even to prevent officers of the army from purchasing', while he
privately made considerable purchases for his own benefit, as is alleged
and believed.

'^Third, — In imposing menial offices upon the sons of freemen of this
State, when called forth by the desire of Congress to perform militia
duty, and when remonstrated to, hereupon, justifying himself in writing,
upon the ground of having power so to do ; for that, "when a citizen
assumed" the character of a soldier, the former was entirely lost in "the
latter ; and that it was the duty of the militia to obey "every order of
his aids (not a breach of the laws and Constitution), as his (the
General's), without judging of the 'propriety of them.' "

Fomih. — For that, when a prize was brought into this port by the
Convention brig, of this State, whereupon a dispute arose respecting the
capture, which would otherwise, in great probability, have been amica-
bly adjusted between the claimants, General Arnold interposed, by an
illegal and unworthy purchase of the suit, at a low and inadequate price,
as has been publicly charged by a reputable citizen; to which may, in
some degree, be ascribed the delay of justice in the courts of Appeal,
and the dispute in which the State may probably be involved with Con-
gress hereupon.

Fifth. — The appropriating the wagons of this State, when called forth
upon a special emergency last autumn, to the transportation of private
property, and that of persons who voluntarily remained with the
enemy last winter, and were deemed disatiected to the interests and
independence of America.

'■'■Sixth—In that Congress, by a resolve of the 21st of August last,
having given to the executive powers of every State an exclusive power
to recommend persons desirous of going within the enemy's lines, to the
officer there commanding. General Arnold in order, as may reasonably be
inferred, to elude the said resolve, wrote a letter, as appears by compari-
son of hands and the declaration of the intended bearer, recommendatory
for the above purpose, and caused his aide-de-camp. Major Clarkson, to
sign the same. But the said device not taking effect, through the vigi-
lance of the officers at Ehzabethtown, General Arnold, without disclosing
any of the above circumstances, applied to Council for their permission,
which was instantly refused, the connection, character and situation of
the party being well known and deemed utterly improper to be indulged
with such permission, thereby violating the resolve of Congress, and
usurping the authority of this Board.

" Seventh — This Board having upon the complaint of several inhabitants
of Chester county, through the late Wagon-Master General, requested of
the said General Arnold to state the said transaction respecting the

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 245

wagons, in order that they might satisfy the complainants, or explain the
same without farther trouble, received in return an indecent and disre-
spectful refusal of any satisfaction whatsoever.

" Eighth — The discouragement and neglect manifested by General Ar-
nold during his command to civil, military and other characters who have
adhered to the cause of their country — with an entire different conduct
towards those of another character, are too notorious to need proof or
illustration. And if this command has been, as is generally believed,
supported by an expense of four or five thousand pounds per annum to
the United States, we freely declare we shall very unwillingly pay any
share of expenses thus incurred."

On the IGtli of February (the commiinication from
President Heed, and the charges having been referred to a
committee) tlie letter of General Arnold, asking an investiga-
tion, was referred to the same committee. This committee
having been instructed to inquire into the grounds of said
charges, about the middle of March made a report excul-
pating him from all criminality in the matter charged
against him.^

1. The following is a report of the Committee in full :

'• Report of the Committee of Congress on the charges exhibited against General
Arnold by the President and Council of Pennsylvania :

" The first, second, third and fifth charges are offences triable only in a court-
martial : that the fourth charge is an offence only of a civil nature, and triable only
in a court of common law, that the sixth, seventh and eighth charges are offences
not triable by a court-martial or common law court, or subject to any other punish-
ment than the displeasure of Congress and the consequences of it.'; that the com-
raittes are furnished with evidence by the supreme executive council on the fifth
and seventh chargi s, to which they beg leave to refer ; that the committee of the
said executive council, though repeatedly applied to, declined to give any evi-
dence on the rest of the charges, after fruitless application for three weeks, during
which time several letters passed between the said executive council and commit-
tee, in which letters the supreme executive council even threaten the committee
and charge them with partiality.

"Jiesolved, That as to the first and second charges, no evidence appears tending to
prove the same ; that the said charges are fully explained, and the appearances
they carry of criminally fully obviated by clear, unquestionable evidence. The
third charge, admitted by General Arnold in one instance, to be transmitted to
the Commander-in-Chief. The fourth charge, there appears no evidence to prove
the same, and that it is triable only in a common law court. The fifth charge be
transmitted to the Commander-in-Chief.

"Hesolved, That the recommendatory letter in the sixth charge is not within the
spirit of the resolve of Congress, or an usurpation of authority.

"Ho-olved, That the letter in the seventh charge, though not in terms of perfect
civility, yet it is not expressed in terms of indignity ; and that after the conduct

246 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

The first charge relating to the alleged improper issuing
of a pass, the second in regard to the closing of the shops of
Philadelphia, the third in regard to imposing menial offices
upon the sons of freemen performing military duty, and the
fifth, in regard to the use of wagons furnished by the State
for the transportation of private property — each of these,
they repeat, " are triable only in a court-martial." The
fourth, which relates to a prize and prize-money, the com-
mittee say is triable only in a court of common law. They
add that the committee were furnished with evidence in re-
gard to the fifth and seventh charges, which relate to the
use of the wagons and Arnold's alleged refusal to give any
explanation thereof; and that in regard to the other charges,
the committee of the executive council, though repeatedly
applied to, declined to give an}^ evidence, after fruitless ap-
plication for three weeks. They therefore resolved, that in
regard to the first and second charges (those relating to the
pass and the use of the wagons,) no evidence appears tend-
ing to prove the same; that the said charges are fully ex-
plained, and the appearances they carry of criminality are
fully obvdated by clear and unquestionable evidence. In
regard to the fourth charge (in relation to the prize), they
say there appears no evidence to prove the same, and it is
triable only in a common law court. That the .fifth charge
be transmitted to the Commander-in-Chief, and they

''Resolved, that the letter in the seventh charge (claimed to be dis-
respectful), though not in terms of perfect civility, yet it is not expressed
in terms of indignity; and that after the conduct of the said supreme exec-
utive council towards General Arnold, and the unexampled measures they
took to obtain satisfaction, totally and absolutely preclude all right to
concessions or acknowledgment." ^

of the said supreme executive council towards the said General Arnold, and the
unexampled measures they took to obtain satisfaction, totally and absolutely
preclude all right to concessions or acknowledgment.

' Resolved, On the eighth charge, that there is no evidence to prove the same."—
Arnold's Trial by Court Martial, pp. 133-4-5.

1. Trial of Arnold, p. 135. See also Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI, pp.
516-517.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 2^7

Arnold, as soon as tliis report was brought in, considered
his name vindicated, and resigned the command of Phila-
delphia, for which he had already obtained permission from
Washington. On the 17th of March he addressed a letter to
Congress, begging that body to examine and decide upon the
report of the committee without delay.' But the Executive
Council of Pennsylvania were not satisfied, and, although
in tlieir circular they had said, " the proofs were ready to be
exhibited, and that Arnold had departed from the State,
pending the complaint," yet after his prompt return and
demand of inquiry, they complained there had been a mis-
understanding which prevented them from presenting their
testimony.

General Reed and the Executive Council represented the
great State of Pennsylvania, and were entitled to and re-
ceived extraordinary consideration, and Congrsss, at their
instance, instead of acting upon the report of their own
committee exculpating Arnold, referred the whole sub-
ject to a joint committee of that body and the Council
of Pennsylvania, This joint committee reported several
resolutions intended to soothe Pennsylvania, as represented
by the executive committee; and also recommended that
the first, second, third and fifth charges be referred to a
court-martial to be appointed by the Commander-in-Chief.
Arnold was indignant at this action, but said, in a letter
addressed to Congress :

" If Congress bave been induced to take tWs action for tlie public
good, and to avoid a breach with this State — however hard my case may-
be, * * I will suffer with pleasure until a court-martial can haye an
opportunity of doing me justice, by acquitting me of these charges a
second time." '

He wrote at once to Washington, advising him of the

1. Trial cf Gen. Arnold, pp. 136-137.

2. Letter of Arnold to Congress, April 14, 1779— Trial p. 133.

248 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

proceedings, complaining of the injustice done to liim, and
begging that an early day mignt be fixed for his trial.
Washington ordered a court to meet on the first of May.
The executive committee of Pennsylvania applied for fur-
ther time, and made such representations as induced Gen-
eral Washington to postpone the trial to June 1st, 1779.

Arnold, impatient and chafing at this delay, wrote to
Washington, May 5th, saying:

"Delay is worse than death, and when it is considered that the Presi-
dent and council have had three months to produce the evidence, 1 can-
not suppose the ordering a court-martial to determine the matter
immediately, is the least precipitating' it. I entreat that the court may
b3 ordered to sit as soon as possible." '

In a letter to Washington, written on the fourteenth of
May, in which he expresses his happiness to hear that the
court had been fixed for the the first of June, he calls at-
tention to the "cruel situation he was in, as his character
was suffering," and he was prevented by it from joining
the army, *' which I wish to do," says he, " as soon as my
wounds will permit." ^

Washington writes to Keed on the fifteenth of May, say-
ing he had received another letter from Arnold, " pressing
for a speedy trial," and adding that " that gentleman has a
right to expect from me, as a piece of justice, that his fate
may be decided, as soon as it can be done consistently with
a full and fair investigation." ^

On the same day he wrote to Arnold:

" I feel my situation truly delicate and embarrassing." " Tour anxiety
— natural under the circumstances — strongly urges me to bring the affair
to a speedy conclusion : on the other side, the pointed representations of
the State, on the subject of witnesses, seem to leave me no choice."^

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI, p. 523.

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI, p. ■''2:}.
S. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI, p. 524.
4. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol, VI, p. 524.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 249

To this letter Arnold 23roiiiptlv replied on the 18th, sav-
ing:

" I have not the least doubt of your excellency's wishing' to bring my
aiFair to a speedy conclusion, and of doing me ample justice. I am ex-
tremely sorry my cruel situation should cause your excellency the least
embarrassment." ^

He then calls attention to the fact that his prosecntors
had liad nearly four months to procure their testinionj^, etc.

The movements of the enemy prevented the meeting of
the court in June, and on the 13th of July, Arnold again
addressed Washington, asking whether the situation of the
army would not admit the court-martial to proceed with
the trial, and again begging him to appoint as early a day
as possible.*

At length, and not until the 19th of December, 1779, tlie
court was convened at Morristown, New Jersey, and con-
tinued in session until its final judgment was rendered on
the 26th of January, 1780, after nearly a year of most irri-
tating and vexatious delay, during every period of which
Arnold had begged and implored prompt action ; he liad
now the satisfaction of meeting before a court of brother
officers his accusers face to face. The position of Washing-
ton had been "delicate and embarrassing," but with his
usual discretion, he so conducted as to satisfy both parties
of his impartiality. The court was composed of Major
General Robert Howe, of ISTorth Carolina, President, and
Brigadier Generals Knox, Maxwell and Gest, and eight
Colonels.*

The evidence is published in full in the trial, to which I
have already referred, and occupies nearly one hundred
pages.

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI, p. 526.

2. Sparks' Writing? of Washington, Vol. VI, p. 527.
•6. Trial of Arnold, p. 2.

CHAPTER XIV.

ARNOLD'S TRIAL-WASHINGTON'S REPRIMAND.

" Exhibit anew those noble qualities which have placrd you on the list of our
most valued commauders. I will, myself, furnish you as far as it may be in my
power, with the opportunities of regaining the esteem of your countvy."— Washing-
ton to Arnold.

Arnold's Trial Continued— His Defense— Judgement of the Court— Washing-
ton's Eeprimand and Eulogy.

General Arnold appeared before the court without
counsel. He conducted his own defense, examining his
own witnesses, and cross-examining those produced bj the
prosecution.

The spectacle of this trial was not without a certain
element of pathos. The accused was in the full buff and
blue uniform of his rank. He walked with difficulty, leaning
upon his cane, for the leg broken above tlie knee at
Saratoga, and below the knee at Quebec, still disabled him,
making it impossible for him to ride on horseback, and he
could not, therefore, mount the horse which Congress had
presented to him for his gallantry at Eidgefield ; but he
wore the epauletts and sword-knots which Washington had
presented to him as among " the bravest of the brave " of
his generals, and which he had received as a testimony of
Washington's " sincere regard and approbation of his
conduct."

(250)

I

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 251

Though still young, not having reached the meridian of
life, his face bronzed and darkened by fatigue and exposure,
indicated that he had seen the severest hardships of a
soldier's life. 'No one could look upon his weather-beaten
features and his still crippled condition without thinking
of Ticonderoga, St. Johns, the Wilderness, the Plains of
Abraham, the forlorn hope in the assault on Quebec, Mont-
real, the naval conflict off Yalcour Island, Ridgelield and
Corapo, the valley of the Mohawk, the relief of Fort Schuy-
ler, the battle of the 19tli of September, near Saratoga, and
the last desperate and bloody charge at Bemis' Heights.

He, who had never failed to share with his soldiers tlie
extreme of every danger, and had shed his blood very freely
for his country, was now to struggle for his laurels, for his
honor, for everything which makes life valuable, against the
overwhelming oflicial power and influence of Pennsylvania.

He can scarcely be blamed for wishing to crush his en-
emies, and he certainly had a right to present the record of
his past life, and to have the benefit of all the presump-
tions justly arising from previous good conduct.

A man accused of crime is never blamed for proving his
previous good character, to raise a presumption of innocence,
and yet General Arnold has been censured and sneered at be-
cause he spread before the court his record as a soldier, and
the commendations which Congress and Washington had
bestowed upon him.

At the close of the evidence lie addressed the court at
great length. He did not confine himself to the four
charges upon which he was being tried, but took up each of
the eight which had been presented to Congress, and
attempted to make a full answer to every one of them. He
beoran ;

252 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

" Mr. President, and gentlemen of this honourable court:

" I appear before you, to answer charges brought against me by the
late supreme executive council of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
It is disagreeable to be accused; but when an accusation is made, I feel
it a great source of consolation, to have an opportunity of being tried
by gentlemen whose delicate and refined sensations of honour will lead
them to entertain similar sentiments concerning those who accuse un-
justly, and those who are justly accused. In the former case, your feel-
ings revolt against the conduct of the prosecutors; in the latter, against
those who are deserved objects of a prosecution. Whether those feel-
ings will be directed against me, or against those, whose charges have
brought me before you, will be known by your just and impartial deter-
mination of this cause.

" When the present necessary war against Great Britain commenced,
I was in easy circumstances, and enjoyed a fair prospect of improving
them. I was happy in domestic connections, and blessed with a rising
family, who claimed my care and attention. The liberties of my coun-
try were in danger. The voice of my country called upon all her faithful
sons to join in her defence. With cheerfulness I obeyed the call. I sac-
rificed domestic ease and happiness to the service of my country, and in
her service have I sacrificed a great part of a handsome fortune. I was
one of the first that appeared in the field, and from that time, to the
present hour, have not abandoned her service.

" When one is charged with practices, which his soul abhors, and which
conscious innocence tells him he has never committed, an honest indig-
nation will draw from him expressions in his own favour, which, on other
occasions, might be ascribed to an ostentatious turn of mind. The part
which I have acted in the American cause, has been acknowledged by
our friends, and by our enemies, to have been far from an indifferent one.
My time, mj' fortune, and my person have been devoted to my country,
in this war; and if the sentiments of those who are supreme in the Uni-
ted States, in civil and military affairs, are allowed to have any weight,
my time, my fortune, and my person have not been devoted in vain.
You will indulge me, gentlemen, while I lay before you some honorable
testimonies, which congress, and the commander in chief of the armies
of the United States, have been plaased to give of my conduct. The
place where 1 now stand justifies me in producing them."

He then read to the court some of the complimentary
letters of Washington, and among others, the one present-
ing him with epaulets and sword-knots "as a testimon)"
of his sincere regard and approbation;" also Washington's

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 253

letters to Congress, requesting that body to send him to the
]S"orthern Department to repel Burgoyne, because he was
"active, judicious and brave," and an " officer in whom the
militia had great confidence."

He also read the proceedings of Congress, directing that
he be presented with " a horse properly caparisoned," etc.,
for "his gallant conduct at Ridgefield;" also the resolu-
tion of thanks passed by Congress for his brave and success-
ful eflbrts in the capture of Burgoyne. After this review
of his military career, he asked whether it was probable,
after having gained these favorable opinions, he should all
at once sink into a course of conduct " equally unworthy of
a patriot and a soldier?" i\.fter alluding to the long and
cruel delays in obtaining a trial, caused by his persecutors,
he expressed his sanguine hopes of being able to satisfy the
court, and through its judgment, the world, that the
charges against him were " false, malicious and scandalous."

He then took up and examined the charges, one by one.
The first, in regard to granting protection for a vessel to
sail into the ports of the United States, it is stated, as a
part of the charge, that it was given " without the know-
ledge of the Commander-in-Chief"

After justifying the giving the pass, adverting to that
part of the charge relative to Washington, he says :

" I think it peculiarly unfortunate that the armies of the United States
have a gentleman at their head who knows so little about his own hon-
our, or regards it so little, as to lay the president and council of Pennsyl-
vania under the necessity of stepping forth in its defence, perhaps it may
he of use to hint,

"Non tali auxUio eget, nee defensoribus istis.

" The general is invested with power, and he possesses spirit to check
and to punish every instance of disrespect shewn to his authority; but
he will not prostitute his power by exerting it upon a trifling occasion;
far less will he pervert it when no occasion is given at all."

In regard to that part of the second charge, which
alleges that while he prohibited others from purchasino"

254 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

goods, lie himself privately made purchases for his own
benefit, " as is alleged and believed," he says :

"If this is true, I stand confessed in the presence of this Honor-
able Court the vilest of men; I stand stigmatized with indelible disgrace,
the disgrace of having abused an appointment of high trust and impor-
tance, to accomplish the meanest and most unworthy purposes: the blood
I have spent in defence of my country, will be insufficient to obliterate
the stain.

"But if this part of the case is void of truth; if it has not even the
semblance of truth, what shall I say of my accusers ? what epithets will
characterize their conduct, the sentence of this honourable court will soon
determine.

"* * Who ^ ailed ge and 'believe'' this accusation? None, I trust,
but the president and council of Pennsylvania; because, I trust, none else
would alledge and believe anything tending to ruin a character, without
sufficient evidence. Where is the evidence of this accusation? I call
upon my accusers to produce it: I call upon them to produce it, under
the pain of being held forth to the world, and to posterity, upon the
proceedings of this court, as public defamers and murderers of reputa-
tion."

After examining the proof against him on this charge,
lie says :

" On the honor of a gentleman and a soldier, I declare to gentlemen
and soldiers, it is false."

He adds :

" If I made considerable purchases, considerable sales must have been
made to me by some person in Philadelphia. Why are not these persons
produced ? Have my prosecutors so little power and influence in that
city, as to be unable to furnish evidence of the truth ?"

* * * * '« J flatter myself the time is not far off, when, by the
glorious establishment of our independence, I shall again return into the
mass of citizens: 'tis a period I look forward to with anxiety; I shall
then cheerfully submit as a citizen, to be governed by the same principle
of subordination, which has been tortured into a wanton exertion of arbi-
trary power.

" This insinuation comes, in my opinion, with an ill grace from the ,
state of Pennsylvania, in whose more immediate defence I sacrificed myj
feelings as a soldier, when I conceived them incompatible with the duties I
of a citizen, and the welfare of that state.

" By a resolution of congress, I found myself superseded (in conse-

HIS PATEIOTISM A]!fD HIS TEEASOm 255

quence of a new mode of appointment of general officers) by soveval who
were my juniors in service; those who know the feelings of an officer,
(whose utmost ambition is the good opinion of his country) must judge
what my sensations were at this apparent mark of neglect. I repaired
to the city of Philadelphia in the month of May, 1777, in order either to
attain a restoration of my rank, or a permission to resign my commis-
sion; during this interval, the van of General Howe's army advanced,
by a rapid march, to Somerset court house, with a view (as was then gen-
erally supposed) to penetrate to the city of Philadelphia.

" Notwithstanding I had been superseded, and my feelings as an offi-
cer wounded, yet, on finding the state was in imminent danger from the
designs of the enemy, I sacrificed those feelings, and with alacrity put
myself at the head of the militia, who were collected to oppose the ene-
my, determined to exert myself for the benefit of the public, although I
conceived myself injured by their represeniatives. How far the good
countenance of the militia under my command operated, in deterring
General Howe from marching to the city of Philadelphia, I will not pre-
tend to say; certain it is, he altered his route.

" What returns I have met with from the state of Pennsylvania, I
leave to themselves to judge, in the cool hour of reflection, which (not-
withstanding the phrenzy of party, and the pains so industriously taken
to support a clamour against me) must sooner or later arise."

Thus, he went through each charge in detail, and in
repljnng to the eighth and last, which charged him with
neglecting the friends of his country and bestowing his
attentions and courtesies on its enemies, he says :

" I am not sensible, Mr. President, of having neglected any gentle-
men, either in the civil or military line, who have adhered to the cause
of their country, and who have put it into my power to take notice of
them; with respect to gentlemen in the civil line and army, I can appeal
to the candour of congress and to the army, as scarcely a day passed but
many of both were entertained by me; they are the best judges of my
company and conduct.

"With respect to attntion to those of an opposite character, I have
paid none Ijut such, as in my situation, was justifiable on the principles
of common humanity and politeness. The president and council of Penn-
sylvania will pardon me, if I cannot divest myself of humanity, merely
out of complaisance to them.

"It is enough for me, Mr. President, to ccfhtend with men in the field;
I have not yet learned to car -y on a warfare against tvomen, or to consider
every man as disaffected to our glorious cause, who, from an opposition

256 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

ill sentiment to those in power in the state of Pennsylvania, may, by the
clamour of party, he stiled a tori/; it is well known, that this odious ap-
pellation has, in that state been applied by some, indiscriminately, to
several of illustrious character, both in the civil and military line.

" On this occasion I think I may be allowed to say, without vanity,
that my conduct, from the earliest period of the war to the present time,
has been steady and uniform. I have ever obeyed the calls of my coun-
try, and stepped forth in her defence in every hour of danger, when many
were deserting her cause, which appeared desperate : I have often bled
in it; the marks that I bear, are sutficient evidence of my conduct. The
impartial public will judge of my services, and whether the returns that
I have met with are not tinctured with the basest ingratitude. Conscious
of my own innocence, and the unworthy me' hods taken to injure m-", I
can with boldness say to my persecutors in general, and to the chief of
them in particular, that in the hour of danger, when the affairs of Amer-
ica wore a gloomy aspect, when our illustrious general was retreating
through New- Jersey, with a handful of men, I did not propose to my
associates, basely to quit the general, and sacrifice the cause of my coun-
try to my personal safety, by going over to the enemy, and making my
peace. I can say I never basked in the sunshine of my general's favour,
and courted him to his face, when I was at the same time treating him
with the greatest disrespect, and villifying his character when absent.
This is more than a ruling member of the council of the state of Penn-
sylvania can say, ' as it is alleged and believed.' " ^

He concluded as follows :

'" I have now gone through all the charges exhibited against me; and
have given to each such an answer as I thought it deserved. Are they
all, or any of them supported by truth and evidence ? or rather, does not
each of them appear to this honourable court to be totally destitute of

1. The above allusion to President Reed is explained by the statement of Gen-
John Cadwalader, in his reply to Reed, published in Philadelphia in 1783.

He says: "Arnold having received his information (about Gen. Reed), from me,
when he (Arnold) apologised to me for inserting it in his defence without my per-
mission, I remarked that an apology was unnecessary, from the public manner in
which he mentioned it. Arnold was commanding in this city; very generally vis-
ited by the officers of the army, citizens and strangers. I received the usual civil-
ities from him and returned them, and often met him at the tables of gentlemen of
this city. To my civilities, at that time, I thought him entitled, from the signal
services he had rendered the country; services infinitely superior to those you
boast of. He stood high as a military character, even in France, and even after
your persecution he was continued in command by Congress; appointed first by the
Commander-in-Chief, to the left wing of the army, and afterwards to the important
post of Wc^t Point, where his treacherous conduct exceeded, I fancy, even your
ideas of his baseness."— Cadu^aZader's Reply to Heed, p. 1-13.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. ZO/

every semblance of a foundation in fact? and yet baseless as they them-
selves are, they were intended to support a fabric with the weight of
which attempts were made to crush my reputation and fortunes: I al-
lude to the preliminary resolution of the council, containing sevei'e but
general strictures upon my character and conduct; strictures of such a
serious and important nature, that they themselves were sensible the
public would not think them justified in making them, unless upon the
most unquestionable grounds. Let them now be measured by their own
standard. Had they unquestionable grounds to go upon? Why then,
in opposition to every principle of candour and justice, in opposition to
their own ideas of candour and justice, did they make and publish resolu-
tions, containing censures of such a high import against me?

"An artful appearance of tenderness, and regard for my services, by
which the council are pleased to say, I formerly distinguished myself, is
held forth in the introduction to their charges. Did they mean by this
to pour balsam, or to pour poison into my wounds ? I leave it to this
court, and to the world to judge, whether they intended it to balance the
demerits they then urged against me, by my former good conduct, as far
as it would go; or whether they designed it as a sting to their charges,
by persuading the public, that my demerits were so enormous, that even
the greatest and most unaffected tenderness for my character, would not
excuse them in continuing silent any longer.

" If, in the course of my defence, I have taken up the time of the court
longer than they expected, they will, I trust, impute it to the nature of
the accusations against me; many of which, though not immediately be-
fore you as charges, were alledged as facts, and were of such a complex-
ion as to render it necessary to make some observations upon them; be-
cause they were evidently calculated to raise a prejudice against me, not
only among the people at large, but in the minds of those who were to be
my judges.

" I have looked forward with pleasing anxiety to the present day,
when, by the judgment of my fellow soldiers, I shall (I doubt not) stand
honourably acquitted of all the charges brought against me, and again
share with them the glory and danger of this just war."

On the 22nd. of January, 1798, the Judge Advocate, in
reply to General Arnold's address, stated the evidence in
relation to every charge, and submitted the case. On the
26th the court met and announced their final judgment.
After stating that tliey had carefully considered the several
charges, the evidence, and the defense, tliey decided, first:
17

258 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

that the permission Arnold, had given for a vessel to leave
a port in the possession of the enem}', to enter a port in the
United States, was illegal. In regard to the second charge,
that of the order closing the shops and stores of Philadel-
phia, the court decided that he was justified in doing so by
the resolution of Congress and bj the instructions of Gen-
eral "Washington; and in regard to the latter part of the
same charge, that of making purchases for his own benefit,
they say they "are clearly of opinion that it is tmsup-
ported, and they dofidly acquit General Arnold.^^

They also acquit of the third charge (that of imposing
menial offices on the military). Respecting the fourth
charge (relating to the use of the wagons) the court say,
" It appears that General Arnold made application to tlie
Quartermaster-General, to supply him with wagons to re-
move property in imminent danger from the enemy; that
the wagons were supplied on this application, which had
been drawn from the State of Pennsylvania for the public
service, and that General Arnold intended this application
as a private request, and had no design of employing the
wagons otherwise than at his own private expense, nor of
defrauding the public, nor of injuring or impeding the
public service: but considering the delicacy attending the
high station in which he acted, and that requests from him
might operate as commands, the court were of opinion tlie
request was imprudent and improper, and therefore ought
not to have been made." The court sentenced him to re-
ceive a reprimand from the Commander-in-Chief.'

It will be observed that the court exonerate and acquit
General Arnold of all intentional wrong, expressly declaring
that the charge of making purchases for his own benefit was
entirely unsupported, and they therefore " fully acquit him ;"
and that, in the use of the wagons, that it was done

1. See judgment in full, Arnold's Trial, pp. 144-5,

HIS PATRI0TIS3I AND HIS TREASON. 259

"without any design of defrauding the public or impeding
the public service."

The charge of making purchases for his own beneiit,
notwithstanding the declaration of the court that it was
" clearly their opinion that it was entirely unsupported, and
their full acquittal," lias been repeated and reiterated in
most of the histories of the war of the Revolution. I
submit that the judgment of the court after a month's most
thorough investigation, with a prosecution zealous, active,
and bitter, and with the whole power and influence of tho
State authorities to aid, that the judgment of the court,
after an investigation so searching and exhaustive, ought
to be regarded as final and conclusive.

In regard to the fourth charge, relating to the prize of
the sloop " Active," it seems to me the answer of General
Arnold is complete. By a statement of his found among
the "Shippen Papers," it appears that the original captors
were from Connecticut, his native State, and that they
applied to him for aid in securing their rights, and that he
did aid them by his purse and advice, and that in the Court
of Appeals they succeeded by a unanimous vote as against
Pennsylvania. These claimants were poor, and to secure
himself for necessary advances, Arnold purchased an
interest in their claim. He may have done this from
motives of kindness to the claimants, or as a speculation.
If he took advantage of their necessities to obtain the
interest for less than its value, he certainly did wrong; but
occupying the high and delicate ofiicial position he did in
the State of Pennsylvania, he ought to have declined
having anything to do with the controversy. But there
was nothing necessarily involving his integrity in the trans-
action, and so upon the whole I think the judgment of
Washington Irving will be concurred in by all candid and
fair judges who attentively consider the question. "Ko

260 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD,

turpitude had been proved against liim, — liis brilliant
exploits shed a splendor around his name, and he appeared
before the public a soldier crippled in their service. All
these should have pleaded in his favor — should have
produced indulgence of his errors, and mitigated that
animosity which he always contended had been the cause of
his ruin." '

The result of this trial may be summed up in a few
words. Arnold was fully exonerated and acquitted of all
intentional wrong; of all private speculation; the court
finding he had no design of defrauding or injuring the pub-
lic; but the pass he had issued, was "irregular" and "ille-
gal;" and idle public wagons, without impeding the public
service, had been used to remove property in imminent
danger from the enemy, which they say, in their opinion,
"was imprudent and improper," These errors Irving
justly characterises as " venial," The finding of the court
was approved by Congress. The sentence, implying to a
sensitive soldier the idea of guilt and public disgrace, must
have been yielded as a concession to the State of Pennsyl-
vania, for certainly it was a non-sequitor to the verdict of
the court expressly exonerating him from all intentional
wrong, and such finding would not demand a punishment
so severe.

He had confidently expected a full acquittal. He had
closed his defense by saying, with deep feeling : " I have
looked forward with pleasing anxiety to the present day,
when, by the judgment of my fellow soldiers I shall (I
doubt not) stand honorably acquitted of all the charges
brought against me, and again share with them the glory
and the danger of this just war." When, therefore, he was
so severely sentenced, he was astounded. It was an unex-
pected, a terrible, a fatal blow. I cannot resist the conclu-

1. Irving's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 23.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 261

sion that, if lie Lad been honorably discharged, as he had a
right to expect when the court acquitted him of all inten-
tional wrong, and found that he had "no design of
defi-auding the public," he would gladly and eagerly have
joined General Washington; have accepted the position of
second in command, soon to be offered him, and shared
with his great chief in the " danger and the glory of the
war." I say this, not unmindful that he had probably
before this time listened to secret overtures from the ene-
my— perhaps held secret correspondence with him ; but while
he was already guilty of having listened to and encouraged
their overtures, he was not yet irretrievably lost.'

No alternative on the part of Washington was left but
publicly to reprimand and disgrace a favorite officer.
Nothing can be conceived more honorable to the generous
feelings of Washington, more delicate towards the wounded
pride of Arnold, than the reprimand.

" Our profession is the chastest of all ; even the shadow
of a fault tarnishes the lustre of our finest achievements.
The least inadvertence may rob us of the public favor, so
hard to be acquired. I reprimand you for having forgotten
that in proportion as you have rendered yourself formidable
to our enemies, you should have been guarded and tem-
perate in your deportment towards your fellow-citizens.
Exhibit anew those noble qualities which have placed you
on the list of our most valued commanders. I will myself
furnish you, as far as it may be in my power, with oppor-
tunities of regaining the esteem of your country." *

1. In the manuscript copy of General Clinton's report to Lord Geo. Germain.
date(>0ct. 11, 1780, hesays: "About eighteen months since, I had some reason to
conclude that the American Major-General Arnold was desirous of quilting the
rebel service and joining the cause of Great Britain."

This is, so far as I know, the most direct evidence, tending to show the date of the
beginingof the criminal negotiations.

2. " Nor is there an opportunity of acquiring honor, which I can shape for you,
to which as it occurs I will not gladly prefer yon.— ScoU's Count Robert, of Farts, to
Uereward, p. 391.

262 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

This reprimand has been much admired in Europe, as
well as in America. Certainly nothing in the writings of
"Washington is more beautiful in language, more generous
and noble in sentiment. His words are those of one
brother-soldier to another, compelled to inflict pain which
he obviously thinks undeserved.

In reading it, it is somewhat diflicult to say for what of-
fence Washington reprimands Arnold. Was it for " the
shadow of a fault ? " or " an inadvertence ? " Literally be-
cause, " as you have rendered yourself formidable to our
enemies, you should have been guarded and temperate in
your deportment towards your fellow-citizens." But it is
not difficult to see for what virtues Washington honored
the object upon whom he was compelled to inflict disgrace.
He hastens to say " exhibit anew those noble qualities which
have placed you on the list of our most valued command-
ers; I will myself furnish you the opportunities." If Wash-
ington could have sent him at once into some terrible bat-
tle, to lead some "forlorn hope," or on any desperate enter-
prise, where death or victory could have been sought,
Arnold might have been saved ; might have again shared
with his comrades " the glory and the danger of a just war."

What the public opinion of the people and of the army
was- in regard to this sentence of the court, may be in-
ferred from the proceedings of the Executive Council of
Pennsylvania. On the 3d of February, 1780, the follow-
ing action seems to have been extorted from his prosecu-
tors by the indignation of the army and the people at the
sentence. " We do not" say they " think it proper to afiect
ignorance of what is the subject of public conversation, and
the sentence of the court-martial tending to impose a mark
of reprehension upon General Arnold. We find his suffer-
ings for, and services to, his country so deeply impressed
upon our minds as to obliterate every opposing sentiment,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 263

and therefore beg leave to request that Congress will be
pleased to dispense with the part of the sentence which im-
poses a public censure, and may most affect the feelings of
a brave and gallant officer." '

But Congress did not modify the sentence, and Arnold
was publicly disgraced. Tlie feelings of Washington
towards him are described in a letter from Schuyler to
Arnold, dated June 2nd, 1780. " He (Washington) says
Schuyler, " expressed a desire to do whatever was agreea-
ble to you ; dwelt on your abilities, your merits, your suffer-
ings, and on the well earned claims you have on your coun-
(^jy^ * * -sfr He expressed liimsf If with regard to you in
terms such as the friends who love you could wish." ^

1. Trial of Arnold p. 1G8.

2. The following is the letter in full :

" MoREi^TOM'N, June 2, 1780.
" My dear Sir :

"The letter which I did myself the pleasure to write you on the 11th of May, you
had not received when yours of the 25tli was written. In that I advised you that
I had conversed with the General on the subject which passed between us before I
left Philadelphia ; that he appeared undecided on the occasion, I believe because
no arrangement was made, for he expressed himself with regard to you in terms
such as the friends who love you could wish. When I received yours of the 25th
May, I read it to him ; he was much ingaged ; next day he requested to know the
contents again. I put it into his hands ; he expressed a desire to do whatever was
agreable to you, dwelt on your abilities, your merits, y mr sufferings, and on the
well earned claims you have on your country, and intimated that as soon as his
arrangements for the campaign should take place, that he would properly consider
you. I believe you will have an alternative proposed, either to take charge of an
important post, with an 'honorable command, or j'our station in the field. "Xour
reputation, my dear sir, so established, your honorable scars, put it decidedly in
your power to take either. A State which has full confidence in you will wish to
see its banner entrusted to you. If the command at West Point is offered, it will be
honorable ; if a division in the field, you must judge whether you can support the
fatigues, circumstanced as you are.

" Mrs. Schuyler proposes a jaunt to Philadelphia ; if she goes I shall accompany
her, and have the pleasure of seeing you. She joins me in every friendly wish;
please to make my respects to your lady and her amiable sisters.

" Believe me, with the most aflFectionate regard and esteem,
" Yours, most sincerely, etc., etc.,

" Philip Schuyler."

—Schuyler to Arnold, Jane 2, 1T80. See Life of Reed, Vol. II, pp. 276-7.

I am aware that after Arnold's treason, Washington, as was natural, used very dif-
icreut language in regard to him, and makes some qualifications of the language

264 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

But this public disgrace left a wound which no kind
words, no sympathy from Washington or Schuyler, or
other friends, could ever heal. Proud, high spirited, a
sense of injustice and wrong rankled and irritated, until it
poisoned and prepared the way for the consummation of his
crime.

attributed to him by Schuyler. But in the same letter, Washington says the con-
versation detailed by Schuyler made very little impression upon him, and Schuy-
ler's letter was written very soon after the conversation took place, and Washington
did, a few days after this interview with Schuyler, offer to General Arnold the com-
mand of the left wing of his own army.

4

CHAPTEE XV.

ARNOLD'S TREASON.

" He falls like Lucifer,
Never to hope again,"

The Motives which leb to Arnold's Treason— His Wrongs— Inducements Held
Out to him by British Emissaries— They Try to Convince him the Contest
Hopeless, and that England Offers all for which he Drew his Sword —
Supposed Meeting betwken him and Beverly Robinson— Letter to Arnold,
Attributed to Robinson by Marbois— Arnold Yields to the Temptations
Offered and Seeks the Command of West Point— Meets Washington at
King's Ferry, who Offers him the Command of the Left Wing of his
Army— Tradition that Arnold said his Defection was to Prevent more
Bloodshed-Meeting of Arnold and Andre— Supposed Conversation be-
tween THEM— Andre's Capture— His Letter to Washington.

The rising sun is bright, warm and genial: the eclipse,
dark, cold, dreary and repulsive.

We have followed the rising glory of Arnold's fame, and
now approach its eclipse; an eclipse from which he never
emerged. Let us try and analyze the causes which led to
his fall, a melancholy fall, a fall which Irving said will
make his name " sadly conspicuous to the end of time."
Let us try to ascertain, if possible, what motives controlled,
what temptations seduced him.

The reader of the previous pages will not need to have
recalled the strange, mysterious, almost inexplicable acts
of cruel injustice with which Congress had treated him:
(265)

266 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

actswliicli no remonstrance of Washington could jjrevent,
no expostulation or entreaty of his could induce them to
correct; acts which indicated a hostility which no service of
Arnold could entirely overcome or conciliate. Beginning
early in his military life and continuing down to their
approval of the severe sentence by the court-martial, of a
"reprimand" — a public disgrace which even his bitter ene-
mies of the Pennsylvania Council asked Congress to dis-
pense with. Either from magnanimity or a less worthy
motive, they sent a letter to Congress, in which they " beg
leave to request that Congress will be pleased to dispense
with that part of the sentence which imposes a public
censure, and may most affect the feelings of a brave and
gallant officer." ' ISTeither his crippled condition, the blood
he had shed in the service of his country, the finding of the
court exonerating him from all intentional wrong, nor even
the request of his prosecutors, could overcome the hostility
of his enemies in Congress, and that body approved the
sentence, and left him to be disgraced by a " public censure."
The numerous letters of General Washington, quoted
on these pages, the letter of General Schuyler, mentioned
in the last chapter, and the so-called reprimand, clearly in-
dicate the opinion of Washington as between Arnold and
his enemies. Indeed, it is very probable that a portion of
the hostility on the part of some members of Congress to-
wards Arnold, may be attributed to Washington's knowiy^
friendship for him. It was safer to strike one of Washing-
ton's favorite officers, who had faults, and was often indis-
creet, than to strike the Commander-in-Chief. The action
of Congress, and the public disgrace of a reprimand, drove
him to desperation; and from that time he inclined to the
temptations which, since his residence in Philadelphia, had
been constantly addressed to him; and he now heard, day

1. Eeed to Congress. Arnold's Trial, p. 163.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 267

after day, without rebuke, if not with satisfaction, the
loyalists of that city denounce Congress and expatiate
upon his wrongs and suflferings. His connection with the
Shippen family brought him into social relations with the
old tory families of that city, and he lived largely in an
atmosphere of loyalty to the crown. It is difficult to over-
estimate the influence of such a social circle upon opinions
and conduct. I am unable, by any positive or clear evi-
dence, to fix upon the exact date when Arnold's corre-
spondence with the enemy began. It is stated by Mr.
Sparks, " that he had already made secret advances to the
enemy, under a feigned name, intending to square his con-
duct according to circumstances; and prepared, if the
court decided against him, to seek revenge at any haz-
ard." I have good reason to believe the advances were
made from the other side.' That the idea of leaving the
service of his country had occurred to him, or had been
suggested to him some time before his trial, but only to be
spurned with. indignation, appears from a letter of his to
General Gates as early as August, 1777, in which he says
" a few days since I was informed that Congress had
accepted my resignation.^ I have had no advice of it from
the President. 'No public or private injury or insult shall
prevail on me to forsake the cause of my injured and
opjjressed country until I see peace and liberty restored, or
nobly die in the attempt." ^ At a still earlier period, when,
although Washington had said to Congress there was not in
his army " a more active, a more spirited, a more sensible
officer" than Arnold, then the senior Brigadier General,

1. See letter ascribed to Beverly Robinson, quoted hereafter.

1. Tliis resignation he had tendered after Congress had refused him his proper
ranii : he withdrew it and joined Schuyler at the approach of Burgoyne, as stated
in a former chapter.

3. From Gates' papers, Vol. IX, p. 42, in New York Historical Society.

268 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

yet in the promotions lie was passed, and in writing to
Gates, he said:

'•By heavens, I am a villain, if I seek not a brave re-
venge for injured honor." In the light of his subsequent
conduct, by " a Irave revenge,''^ he may fairly be understood to
have meant a still more efficient service of his country, and
a still more hazardous exposure of his life in her defense.
How deplorable that this sentiment, this kind of "revenge"
did not control him to the end ! Does he not exhibit an-
other illustration of the truth, that

" Vice is a monster of so friglitful mien,
As, to be hated, needs but to be seen.
Yet seen too oft, familiar with her face,
We first endure, then pity, then embrace."

Did Arnold, when the idea of desertion was first sug-
gested to him, spurn it ; then, when other wrongs and
injuries brought it back, first "endure," then encour-
age, and finally " embrace" it ? When he was fighting the
battles of his country, and his known wrongs caused the
friends of the crown to suggest desertion, he replied with
all the indignation of Hazael to the prophet, " Is thy ser-
vant a dog that he should do this great thing ?"

I return to the question, what were his controlling
motives ? I dismiss as unworthy of a moment's consider-
ation the idea that a money bribe had any controlling
influence upon him. He received a compensation for his
losses, as the English General, Charles Lee, who resigned
and sought and received a commission from Congress,
received thirty thousand dollars from the United States to
cover his losses.* Arnold sought money, and sometimes

1. Charles Lee demanded [and received from Congrees $30,000 as an indemnity
for his losses in quitting the British and joining the Americans.— £anc/o/<,FoZ. JX,
V. 168.

When captured by the British and threatened with punishment as a deserter, he
betrayed the United States, and was, therefore, unfaithful by turns to both
governments.— ,See Treason oj Charles Lee by Geo. H. Moore; Bancroft, Vol, IX,pp. 330,
331,

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 269

by means imwortliy of a distinguished soldier, but when
acquired, few scattered it more freely. He squandered it
upon himself and family ; he shared it generously with his
friends. His purse, when there was anything in it, was
always open to Mansfield and Lamb and Frank and others.
He was no miserly hoarder; he did not care for money
for itself, but his lavish expenditures induced him to
seek to supply his wants by commerce, and by buying in-
terests in privateers preying upon English merchantmen.
The conti'olling influences which prepared the way for the
tempter and led to his crime, were a deep and bitter sense
of long continued wrong, and personal resentment, and re-
venge. He was a proud, strong hater, constant to his
friends, and unyielding to his enemies, though placable
when they made the first advances. To a burning sense of
public injustice was added the humiliation of the personal
triumph over him of bitter, cruel, and persistent enemies
His defense before the court-martial shows how deeply his'
passions were stirred against his foes, in and out of Con-
gress. " Such a vile prostitution of power, and such in-
stances of glaring tyranny and injustice, I believe," says he,
" are unparalleled in the history of a free people." He
characterizes the charges against him " as false, malicious,
and scandalous." His accusers were " the murdei-ers of his
reputation." How keenly he felt the delay caused by the
prosecution, appears from his earnest, sometimes pathetic,
appeals to Washington for a speedy trial, " Delay to him,
he said, was worse than death." I seek not to extenuate,
much less to justify Arnold's crime. Indeed, for his trea-
son there can be no plea but the one plea of "guilty."
ISTo provocation can extenuate, no ingratitude or injustice ex-
cuse it. There are circumstances of aggravation, if anything
can aggravate treachery and treason. Among these circum-
stances were his obligations as a soldier, Washington's en-

270 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEI^OLD.

during friendship, and the personal devotion to hira of some
of his subordinates and comrades, such as Yarick, Livingston,
Frank, Lamb, Schuyler and others. Most of them had
fought with him, and some of them had fought for him, in
defense of his reputation. ITothing but his desertion could
alienate their devoted attachment. Therefore, I repeat, I
can neither extenuate nor excuse his crime. I do not
qualify my abhorrence and detestation of that crime, but I
am trying to lift the veil, and see the working of the
motives, the struggles of the proud heart, by which this
once earnest, sincere, zealous patriot was converted into a
traitor. Let us then try to imagine his feelings after his
disgrace. His enemies were exulting in their triumph.
The wounds inflicted upon his person by the enemies of
his country he could bear, but not those upon his character,
by his personal enemies in the name of his country.
"While thus humiliated and desperate, he allowed himself
to speak intemperately, unguardedly of Congress, and
especially of the authorities uf Pennsylvania. The loyalists
of Philadelphia hearing these remarks, and eager for the
defection and acquisition of a soldier so distinguished,
deliberately set about to seduce him. Men and women of
high personal character, of reputation, culture and ability,
flattered him, filled his ears with sympathy for his wrongs,
exaggerated the injustice of his country, kept alive his in-
dignation towards his enemies, insisted that the contest for
independence was hopeless, and endeavored to convince him
that he might redress all his wrongs, triumph over his en-
emies, and that, too, as the}^ perhaps honestly believed,
without injury, but with advantage to his country. " Britain
now offers," said they, " all and more than all which the
colonies asked when you drew your sword, and the war be-
gan. She now oflfers everything, independence only ex-
cepted. She now declares there shall be no taxation with-

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 271

out representation. The colonies shall impose what taxes
they please, and make tlieir own laws. Every grievance
shall be redressed, and paternal and filial relations restored."
The loyalists appealed to Arnold to become the reconciler
between contending brothers.

" Stop, we pray ,yon," said they, " the fast flowing blood
of kindred and countrymen." " Stop this cruel war, and
the wives and mothers of the starving, naked, bare-footed,
unpaid soldiers of the Continental array will rise up and
bless you as the peace-maker."

" Why," said the British emissary, " why shed more blood
when we are willing to grant all you are fighting for? Save
the people from the factions of Congress. Save them from
anarchy. Save these Protestant colonies from becoming
the vassals of Roman Catholic France. Act the part of
General Monk in English history. United by a just and
cordial union, England and her American colonies can defy
the world. "We have the same language, the same laws and
literature; the same great Magna Charta which secures the
rights and liberties of Englishmen at home, shall protect
the Americans here. As Clive saved the British Empire
in India, we implore you to save it in America." Such, we
may believe, were the appeals addressed to him by British
agents, and especially by Colonel Beverly Robinson, and
the loyalists of Philadelphia.'

And then these emissaries, disguising, or perhaps not fully
realizing the baseness of the treachery they were tempting

1. See letter found among Arnold's papers at West Point, attributed to Robinson
by Marbois, quoted hereafter. See, also, Life of Andre by Sargent, Appendix, p.
447; also Marbois' Conspiracy of Arnold. Colonel Beverly Robinson, the son of
President Robinson, born in Virginia, and until separated by political events, the
friend of Washington. He died in England after the war, and his large estate in
New York was confiscated. He was a correspondent of Arnold before Arnold went
to West Point. He accompanied Andre up the Hudson, on the Vulture. It is
stated in a note by the translator of Chastellux' Travels, published in London, 1787,
that a Lieutenant Hele was an active spy in Philadelphia, in 1778, and it has been
suggested that he was the first to make treasonable suggestions tj Arnold.

272 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

liim to practice, pointed out to Lim tlie glorj he would
achieve. " You," said thej, " can end the w^ar. You can
secure the liberties of your country. You can be her bene-
factor. You will receive the gratitude of both Britain and
America by re-uniting both in one great commonwealth;
and this accomplished, what title among England's proud
nobility will be too high a reward for such a service?
" We appeal to you to restore the union between your
native land and the land of your forefathers. Great Britain
is not like France, a foreign country. Your ancestors for
many generations sleep in the soil of Old England, and now
with an offer to redress every grievance for which you drew
your sword, she asks you to give both countries. Old Eng-
land, your fatherland, and 'New England, your native land,
peace and harmony." And then pointing to the disordered
linances, the feeble and starving army of Washington, the
factions and corruptions so generall}'- prevailing, they tried
to show him that to fight longer was hopeless as well as unnec-
essary. The careful student of the history of those days
will find much to justify grave doubts of final success.
These depressing facts, some of which I will enumerate,
only make the constancy and fortitude of Washington and
his faithful associates more conspicuous. In a letter to
Schuyler, Washington says, " I hardly thought it possible
at one period to keep the army together." ' " At one time
the soldiers eat every kind of horse food but hay.'' " Un-
less," says he, " Congress and the States act with more en-
ergy than they have hitherto done, our cause is lost." ^

Lafayette writing to Washington, says, " There are open
dissensions in Congress — parties who hate one another as
much as the common enemy." ^

1. MarshaU's Life of Washington, Vol. IV, p. 196.

2. Marshall's Life of Washington, p. 214.

3. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 488.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 273

AYliile the army was nearly starving, ragged and almost
naked, the treasury without money, the States and Congress
rent by factions, and affairs generally in the most gloomy
condition, Washington's effective force was reduced to little
more than 3,000 men, and Sir Henry Clinton returned from
the conquest of South Carolina with 4,000 troops.' And
the British force in and about New York was 12,000.
Washington, writing to Congress at this crisis, says: " There
is no time to be lost; the danger is imminent and pressing;
the obstacles to be overcome are great and numerous, and
our efforts must be instant, unreserved, and universal,"
Hamilton, writing to George Clinton, says: "They (Con-
gress) have disgusted the army by repeated instances of the
most whimsical favoritism.'"'

Many of the best patriots were in despair. Washington
himself says in a letter dated May 28, 1780, " Unless
a system very different from that which has long prevailed
be immediately adopted throughout the States, our affairs
must soon become desperate, beyond the possibility of re-
covery. * ^'' Indeed, I have almost ceased to hojyey ' It
was when everything looked so dark and discouraging that
the emissaries of Britain and the tories made their
most determined efforts to win over Arnold to the royal
cause. I have endeavored to recall some of the arguments
and sophistries they breathed into his ears at a moment
when he was desperate and chafing with real injuries.
The English view of his conduct appears by the press of
that day. His desertion is compared to that of Churchill
(Marlborough) who deserted James, Lord Cornbury at
Honiton, the great Montrose and others.* There is a

1. Marshairs Life of Washington, Vol. IV, pp. ?32-3.

2. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. V, p. 508.

3. Sparks' Writings of W^ashington, Vol. VII, p. 58.

4. The following letter, quoted from the London Chronicle, of Dec. 14th, 1780, p.
572, will verify the text:

"character of benedict ARNOLD.

"Sir: We in the country have been looking up to your town writers, to see whether
18

274 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

tradition among some of Arnold's descendants, of a meet-
ing between him and Beverly Eobinson. I do not vouch
for its truth, but I have more reason to believe it than to

any one would speak of Arnold as he ought to be spoken of. His joining the King's
troops is a matter of importance. He is not only a heaven-bora soldier, as Clive
was called, and a proof how soon a man of spirit may become an excellent officer,
and may step from a shop and a counting-nou?e into the first military ranks, and
there distinguish himself; but he seems to have acted ihrDughout from a spirit
which would have adorned nobility. When he imagined his country was wronged,
he rushed forth into arms; and his Canada expedition, so well wrote In the Annu-
al Register of 1776, shows him not second to the brave Montgomery.

" Wherever you find Arnold mentioned in action during this war, he shines aboA-e
all his compeers. We have looked upon him only as a soldier, but in his last
action we find him a true American citizen, who having resisted what he thought
to be British tyranny as briskly and determinedly as any man, would no longer
uphold the tyranny of the usurpers in America, wh') criminally protract the ivcu from,
sinister views at the ex:ense of the public interest, by artifices after Britain, with the open
arms of an indulgent parent offered to embrace them as children, and grant the wished for
redress of greviances which had made him a soldier. The welfare of his conn'ry once
attained, he thought all strife should have ceased. He lamented the impolicy, tyranny and
injustice which with a sovereign contempt of the people of America studiously neglected
to take their collective sentiments of the British proposals of peace which exceeded all
the general ivishes and expectations. The same usurpation had the insolence without
the authority of the people, to conclude a treaty which to this very hour tlie people have
not ratified, with France, the proud, arCcient and crafty foe, whose businessand ivhose aim
itis to destroy both the mother Count/ y and the provinces. When he saw no man in
the American lines dared to speak, or write his sentiments on the tyranny of a
desperate party in Congress who were ruining and enslaving America, and render-
ing her a vassal of France (an abject appendnge to the crown of that kingdom),
what could a brave mind like that of Arnold do but resist the evil of his former party,
refuse to be the tool to setup ruin, tyranny and vassalage to France, forsake himself,
and cause as many as he could to forsake the destroyers of his country, and make
that event of service to America ! I honour him for it, as I did Churchill who left
James II. Every Whig will honor Lord Cornbury, who, under pretence of beating
up the Prince of Orange's quarters at Honiton. carried off to the Prince four regi-
ments of horse. There are public moments which oblige men thus to act, and for
which, if there be no private emolument in the case, uo bargain and sale to vitiate
the principle, but high regard only for the general welfare, men of really just
minds must honour them. I remember the great Montrose, when before his judges
at Edinburgh, who upbraided him with having broken the covenant answered :
'Re had done nothing ofivhich he was ashamed, or had cause to np/nt: that tlxe first
covenant he had taken, and complied withit. and with them who took it, as long as the
ends for which it was ordained were observed ; but whn he discovered, which was
now evident to all the world, that private and particidar men designed to satisfy their
own ambition and interest, instead of considering tlie public benefit, etc., he had withdrawn
himself from that engagement." *

It is not necessary to say that the foregoing is quoted simply to show how
Englishmen regarded Arnold's treason.

* In Clarendon's History.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 275

credit the accuracy of the speeches put into the mouths of
Luzerne and Arnold by Marbois.

A manuscript letter, without signature, found at West
Point after Arnold's flight, and which has been attributed
to Beverly Kobinson, contains a statement of many of the
considerations supposed to have been addressed to him,
urging his defection. '

1. In Sargent's Life of Andre, p. 447, it is said : " It is probable that the letter
which Marbois says was found among his papers, was written by Robinson." Count
Barbe Marbois, Secretary of the French Legation at the time of the conspiracy, in his
" Complot D'Arnoldet De Sir Henry Clinton, contre Les Etats-Vnis B'Amerique" pub-
lished in Paris in 1816, declares the letter was found at West Point, and says : " Jl
ctoitconcu en ccs termes," and he then inserts the letter in quotation marks. It is
not probable that Marbois forged the letter. It tends to show that Arnold may
have been influenced in part by less selfish and less criminal motives than those
usually attributed to him; but Marbois shows no disposition to extenuate his
guilt.

Sabine in his Loyalists, declares it certain that Robinson was in communication
with Arnold, and this is corroborated by Joshua H. Smith.

The following is the text of the letter, as translated from Marbois by Sargent :

" Among the Americans who have joined the rebel standard, there are very many
good citizens whose only object has been the happiness of their country. Such
men will not be influenced by motives of private interest to abandon the cause
they have espoused. They are now offered everything which can render the
colonies really happy ; and this is the only compensation worthy of their virtue.

" The American colonies shall have their Parliament, composed of two chambers,
with all its members of American birth. Those of the upper house shall have titles
andrank simi'ar to those of the house of peers in England. All their laws, and
particularly such as relate to money matters, shall be the production of this
assembly, with the concurrence of a viceroy. Commerce, In every part of the
globe subject to British sway, shall be as free to the people of the thirteen colonies
as to the English of Europe. They will enjoy, in every sense of the phrasu,
the blessings of good government. They shall be sustained. In time of need,
by all the power necessary to uphold them, without being themselves exposed to
the dangers or subjected to the expenses that are always inseparable from the con-
dition of a State.

" Such are the terms profieredby England at the very moment when she is dis-
playing extraordinary efforts to conquer the obedience of her colonies.

"Shall America remain, without limitation of time, a scece of desolation.— or are
you desirous of enjoying Peace and all the blessings of her train? Shall your
Provinces, as in former days, flourish under the protection of the most puissant
nation of the world ? Or will you forever pursue that shadow of liberty which
still escapes from your hand, even when in the act of grasping it? And how soon
•would that very liberty, once obtained, turn int i licentiousness, if it be not under
the safeguard of a great European power? ^V'ill you rely upon the guaranty of
France? They among you whom she has seduced may assure you that her
assistance will be generous and disinterested, and that she will never exact from
you a servile obedience. They are frantic with joy at the alliance already estab-

276 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

Sabine is antliorifcj, as before stated, that Eobinson and
Arnold were in communication before Arnold went to West
Point. Smith declares that while Arnold occupied the
Robinson House, in 1780, he often dined with him, and

lished, and promise you that Spain -will immeiliately follow the example of
France. Are they ignorant that each of these States has an equal interest in
keeping you under, and will combine to accomplish their end ? Thousands of
men have perished ; Immense resources have been exhausted ; and yet, since that
fatal alliance the dispute has become more embittered than ever. Everything
urges us to put a conclusion to dissensions not less detrimental to the victors
than to the vanquished : but desirable as peace is, it cannot be negot ated and
agreed upon between us as between two independent powers ; it is necessary that
a decisive advantage should put Britain in a condition to dictate the terms of
reconciliation. It is her interest as well as her policy to make these as advan-
tageous to one side as the other; but it is at the same time advisable to arrive
at it without any unnecessary waste of that blood of which we are already as
sparing as though it were again our own.

" There is no one but Gen. Arnold who can surmount obstacles so great as these.
A man of so much courage will never despair of the republic, even when every
door to a reconciliation seems sealed.

' Kender then, brave General, this important service to your country. The colo-
nies cannot sustain much longer the uneaual strife. Your troops are perishing in
misery. They are badly armed, half naked, and crying for bread. The efforts of
Congress are futile against the languor of the people. Your fields are untilled,
trade languishes, learning dies. The neglected education of a whole generation is
an irreparable loss to society. Your youth, torn by thousands from their rustic
pursuits or useful employments, are mown down by war. Such as survive have lost
the vigor of their prime, or are maimed in battle; the greater part bring back to
their families. the idleness and the corrupt manners of the camp. Let us put an
end to so many calamities ; you and ourselves have the same origin, the same lan-
guage, the same laws. We are inaccessible in our island ; and you, the masters of
a vast and fertile territory, have no other neighbors than the people of our loyal colo-
nies. We possess rich establishments in every quarter of the globe, and reign over
the fairest portions of Hindostan. The ocean is our home, and we pass across it as
a monarch traversing his dominions. From the northern to the southern pole,
from the east to the west, our vessels find everywhere a neighboring harbor belong-
ing to Great Britain. So many islands, so many countries acknowledging our
sway, are a'.l ruled by a uniform system that bears on every feature the stamp ot
liberty, yet is as well adapted to the genius of different nations and of various
climes.

" While the Continental powers ruin themselves by war, and are exhausted in
erecting the ramparts that separate them from each other, our bulwarks are our
ships. They enrich us ; they protect us ; they provide us as readily with the means
of invading our enemies as of succoring our friends.

"Beware, then, of breaking forever the links and ties of a friendship whose bene-
fits are proven by the experience of a hundred and fifty years. Time gives to hu-
man institutions a strength which what is new can only attain, in its turn, by the
lapse of ages. Royalty itself experiences the need of this useful prestige, and the
race that has reigned over us for sixty year; has been illustrious for ten centuries.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 277

that lie told him that Eobinson anxiously sought an inter-
view to explain proiDOsitions which, if acceded to, would
terminate the war.'

It is not improbable that an interview between Arnold
and Robinson had been had, at Smith's or elsewhere, before
Robinson came up in the Yulture. The tradition before
mentioned is that at at such meeting Robinson pressed and
urged upon Arnold the considerations contained in the
AVest Point letter. If this interview really took place —
and it is probable — aided by the letter, the disclosures of
Smith, and Arnold's address to his countrymen, giving the
reasons for his desertion, we can readily imagine the topics
discussed between them. Arnold, recalling the former
friendly relations between Washington and Robinson, may
have said :

"Col. Robinson, how can you urge me to abandon your
old schoolmate, Washington; surely you have not for-
gotten your old friend and the friend of your father?"

"United in equality we wiU rule the universe we will hold it bound, not by
arms and violence, but by the ties of commerce— the lightest and most gentle bonds
that human kind can v/enr."— Sargent's Life of Andre, pp. 447, 8-9.

Joshua H. Smith, in his narrative, corroborates to some extent the statement of
Maibois. He speaks of Arnold's often dining at his house, and at dinner express-
ing sentiments similar to those contained in the letter attributed to Robinson. (See
narrative of Smith London edition, pp 21,22,31.) Among other things he says:
" Gen. Arnold then said he had received another flag of truce, and that ("ol. Bev-
erly Robinson had anxiously .solicited an interview to be more explanatory of the
propositions that were to produce, if acceded to by Congress, a general peace, and
happily terminate the expense of blood and trea'ure, that were ruinous to both
<'0untrie=! in the prosecution of a war without an object. He (Arnold) said he con-
ceived the overtures * * made by Great Britain were founded in all sincerity
and good faith, and they fully met the ultimatum which the generality of Americans
desired, but by what he could learn from Col. Kobbison. the present terms held out went
much farther than ihe propositions of 1788, and he made no doubt they w mid be the basii
ffan honorable peace. This event he said he most cordially wished, being heartily
tired of the war." " Andhe then complained of hs personal wrongs." (See thisGu-
lious narrative.) I am aware, of course, that anything said by Joshua Hett Smith
must be taken with great caution and needs corroboration. But I think it not im-
probable that Kobinson, either by letters or personal interview, and perhaps both,
held out these inducements to Arnold.

1. Smith's narrative of the death of Andre (London Ed.), pp. 21 to 37.

278 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

" ]^o," replied Eobinson ; " I have not forgotten my old
schoolmate; I love and honor Washington, and I regret
he is not now, as he was in early life, fighting for the Crown,"

"But," continued he, "General Arnold, why do you still
hesitate ? You admit that the attainment of absolute inde-
pendence by the colonies is very doubtful, and even if suc-
cessful they will become the wards of France, in place of
being the sons of England. Why hesitate when we now
oifer all that the colonies can justly demand ? Yon admit
that even Washington almost despairs of success. To-day
Great Britain is ready to grant everything except inde-
pendence. Is it wise to delay until she may impose upon
our country the terms of a conqueror V

" Eobinson," was the reply, " I know the terrible sufier-
ings of my country, and I deeply feel my own wrongs, but
you know ray name is to-day honored by soldiers in both
armies, and is not unknown among the people. You urge
me to betray a sacred trust — to be treacherous to my com-
rades, to abandon the cause for which I have often bled, to
break faith with my comrades and my noble chief ; in a
word, to become a traitor.'''*

" If I yield to your views, and Britain finally fails, I
shall be doomed to everlasting infamy, and my own chil-
dren will hate me for leaving them a name besmirched with
foul dishonor ! "

" But," said Robinson, " with your aid we shall not, can-
not fail. Look at your feeble, exhausted colonies, and then
at the vast power of Great Britain. With your aid, I
repeat, failure is impossible, and remember how generously
Britain rewards those who render her great and signal ser-
vice. You bave been in England ; were you ever at Blen-
heim Palace ? Did you see there towering high above
the old oaks of the park, the majestic column which
England reared to the memory of John Churchill, Duke of

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 279

Marlborougli ? Contrast tlie honors and the treasure which
she lavished upon that heroic traitor, with the ingratitude,
the injustice, the meanness, with which Congress has
treated you and others of your fellow-soldiers." •

" Churchill was, if you please to call hiin so, doubly a
traitor. He betrayed his benefactor James, deserted him,
and went over to the Prince of Orange ; and then, pre-
tending the deepest remorse, broke faith with William ;
acted as a spy in his court and camp, and offered to cor-
rupt the troops and lead them over to James ; and yet all
this was forgotten in the real service he rendered his coun-
try, and his name has gone into history among the proud-
est on her records. Here you have a precedent and an
example ; trample your scruples under foot. In great
national affairs the end must sometimes justify the means.
Do this great deed ; end the war, and history will write
your justification, and England will reward you as gener-
ously in titles and in honors, and in wealth, as she did
Churchill." '

Such were the appeals to which Arnold finally yielded.

Whether the letter wdiich Marbois alleges was found in
Arnold's quarters after his flight, and which has been
attributed to Beverly Eobinson, is genuine, is a question

1. If these appeals seem extravagant, let the reader remember that Arnold was
vain, and intensely ambitious. Let him recollect for what purpose they were used,
and that they were successful. Lord Macaulay, speaking of Churchill's deser-
tion of James, says : " He was bound to James not only by the common obligation
of allegiance, but by military honor, by personal gratitude." *

"There was no guilt, no disgrace he was not ready to incur."

See Macaulay's History of England. Vol. Ill, p. 82. Again : Churchill, when
holding King James' commission, writing treacherously to the Prince of Orange,
6ays: " He puts his honor absolutely into his hands." Macaulay says: "William
read those words with one of his bitter and cynical sneers." " It was not his busi-
ness to take care of the honor of other men, nor had the most rigid casuist pro-
nounced it unlawful in a General to invite, use and reward the services of deserters,
whom he could not but despise. History of England, Vol. Ill, p. 250.

And when Marlborough subsequently deserted and betrayed William, Macaulay
calls him " the Arch Traitor." Vol. VI, p. 173. Those who wish to compare or
contrast this great English with the American traitor, may consult Macaulay.

280 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

wliicb. perhaps cannot be determined with absolute cer-
tainty. That inducements and arguments similar to those
in the letter, and which Robinson pressed upon Arnold in
their supposed interview, were addressed to him by British
agents, there can be no reasonable doubt. The British
authorities were advised by the loyalists of Philadelphia
that Arnold was dissatisfied, and that he felt deeply
wronged. To secure his defection, and through him bring
about peace, was deemed a matter of the highest impor-
tance. Such temptations were presented to him personally,
and such considerations in regard to his country as it was
supposed would be most likely to influence him. If the
letter is not genuine, it was ingeniously and ably written,
and presents just the considerations to which Arnold would
be most likely to yield, and to which he himself declares in
his address to his countrymen, and to his old comrades, he
did yield.'

]^ow, let us suppose Andre had not been taken prisoner,
and that the plot had succeeded: that West Point had been
captured without bloodshed, and then, Arnold clothed by
Great Britain with full credentials, had offered to the (Jni-
ted States everything but independence, and that through
his instrumentality the war had been closed, and liberty
secured, an American j^arliament to make the laws for the
confederated colonies, with a nominal recognition of the
British crown — what would have been the judgment of the
world upon his conduct ? Thousands who have cried, and
justly, " crucify him ! crucify him!" would have said with
equal zeal, " crown him with honor." Such is the influence

1. Dining at the table of Smith, a short time before Andre's visit, Arnold said : " By
what he could learn frim Colonel Robinson, the present terms held out went
much further than the propositions of 1780, and he made no doubt they would be
the basis of an honorable peice. This event he most cordially wished."—
Smith' sJS'arrative, p. 21. See General Arnold's Address to Mis Countrymen.

Ills PATKIOTISJI AND HIS TREASON. 281

of success or failure.' But success would not have changed
the character of his acts. Is it incredible that a desperate
man, trodden upon by his enemies,

"Within whose heated bosom throngs
The memory of a thousand wrongs,"

as he regarded them, may perhaps, for some brief moments,
carried away by the violence of his passions, have deceived
liimself, or permitted himself to be deceived by these soph-
istries, and for one moment excused himself to himself for
his crime?

If he did, it was a fatal error, and terribly and justly did
he suffer for it. Repentance, however, after the first overt
act was too late; the fault was fatal, irrevocable, without
remedy, and for which nothing could condone. For con-
ceding all, admitting that his passions so misled his judg-
ment as to make him believe that he could by betraying
his post really benefit his country, this is no excuse for his
treachery; if honestly satisfied that the war should be no
further prosecuted, he should have resigned and left his
comrades — not sought to betray them.

In March, 1780, while not yet fully committed to the Eng-
lish emissaries, and it may be, hesitating on the brink of the
precipice of his crime, his restless spirit devised an enterprise
against the enemy upon the sea, which in its execution would
require several ships of war, and three or four hundred
troops, of which expedition he ofiered to take command ;
his wound still rendering him unfit for active duty in the
field. Washington favored the project, but the exigencies
of the service rendered it impossible to spare the troops, and it
was finally abandoned. At another time he seems to have

1. " Treason doth never prosper. What's the reason ?
Why, if it prosper, none dare caU it treason."
It is conceivable that if Washington liad failed, the English would have called
him the traitor.

282 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKXOLD.

entertained the idea of resigning his post in the array and
retiring into the forests, and pntting himself like the
Johnsons, on the Mohawk, at the head of an Indian tribe.

His conduct and plans, after his disgrace in the spring
and summer of 1780, are involved in an obscurity which
will probably never he dispelled; yet it is evident that he
had no fixed purpose, and was undetermined what to do;
now he was brooding over the past, and then pondering the
future, and sometimes almost in despair; various and wild
schemes were presented, considered and rejected. He had
listened to the tempter, and to hesitate and deliberate over
a crime so desperate, was to fall. Like a rudderless ship in
the violence of a wild ocean temj)est, uncontrolled by prin-
ciple, he was drifting hither and thither, wherever the
storm of passion might carry him.

At about this time, while pecuniarily embarrassed, and
tossing on the surges of passion, it is alledged by Marbois,
he sought with corrupt motives, a loan from the envoy of
France, the Chevalier de LaLuzerne. ^

The account of the interview between Arnold and
Luzerne, given by Marbois, is evidently embellished, and
no one can draw the line between fact and fancy. Marbois
wrote history with poetic license, taking the liberty of put-
ting such speeches into the months of the persons he intro-
duced as he imagined they might have made, and such as
would make his narrative lively and picturesque,'^ The
speeches between Arnold and Luzerne, as given by him, are
to be taken, therefore, not as literal truth, but simply as
what he imagined might have passed. He does not claim
to have been present, or even to give the language as

1. The conspiracy of Arnold and Sir Henry Clinton by Marbois.— ^mmca»j
Eegister, Vol 21, p. 26.

2. Sargent, in his Life of Andre, cautions the rf^ader against Marbois, even
comparing him with Joshua Hett Smith, saying, "Smith, like Maibois,m.ust always
be received distrustfully."— p. 337,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 283

reported by Lnzerne. He says that the chevalier " had been
charmed with the talents and bravery of Arnold, and took
pleasure in testifying a particular predilection for him. He
thought that if it were wished to reclaim this man, it
would be indispensable to recollect only tlie glorious circum-
stances of his life." " He continued the same deportment
towards him as before his disgrace, and this generosity won
the respect and coniidence of the generaL" * Having thus
won Arnold's confidence, the latter in his distress opened his
heart to Luzerne, detailed his misfortunes and embarras-
ments and sought a loan from tlie French Envoy. Luzerne
declined the loan, but gave him some very good advice
instead, but this not being what Arnold sought, he received
with a very ill grace. Washington Irving expressed the
opinion that " the first idea of proving recreant to the
cause he had so bravely vindicated, appears to have en-
tered his mind when the charges preferred against him by
the Council of Pennsylvania were referred by Congress
to a court-martial." ^

It will be remembered that his accounts for back pay, and
disbursements in Canada, and elsewhere, were still unset-
tled. Mr. Sparks, speaking on this subject, says: "Whetli-
er entire justice was rendered him amidst so many obsta-
cles to a perfect knowledge of the merits of the case, it
would be difiicult to determine." ' Mr. Sparks also says
that up to the time of liis disgrace, " his intercourse witli
the enemy, though of several months' continuance, had been
without a definite aim — clothed in such a shape that it
might be consummated or dropped, according to the com-
plexion of future events." *

At length, won by the specious arguments and allure-

1. Marbois. American Register, p. 27,

2. Life of Washington. Vol. IV, p. 111.

3. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VI. p. 530.

4. Life of Arnold, p. 151.

284 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

inents of his tempters, and urged to desperation by despair,
he seems now to have adopted the fatal resolution of be-
traying his country, and of making his desertion as useful
and effective to the enemy as possible. On the 28th of
March, 1780, "Washington gave him leave of absence from
the army to regain his health, but expressed the hope that
he might soon be in a condition for "active service," and
for himself and Lady Washington, congratulates him on the
birth of his son, Edward Shippen, born March 19th, at
Philadelphia.

It is not my purpose to go minutely into the details of
the treasonable correspondence and conspiracy of Arnold
and Sir Henry Clinton. The life of Arnold, by Sparks,
goes over this ground very fully, and little could be said in
addition to the narrative there given. The correspondence
began under assumed names, the letters of Arnold being
signed " Gustavus^'' and those of Major Andre, who carried
on the correspondence on the part of the British, were
signed '■'■AndersonP Through the influence of liis friends,
General Schuyler and Robert R. Livingston,' Arnold
sought and obtained the command of West Point, regarded
as the most important military position in the colonies ;
and here were stored, as in the safest place on the conti-
nent, a large quantity of supplies and material of war.
On the last day of July, 1780, Arnold, who had been on a
visit to Connecticut, now on his way back to Philadelphia,
reached the camp of Washington while the army was
crossing the Hudson at King's Ferry. He met Wash-
ington, on horseback, riding to see the last division cross
the river, and asked if any place had been assigned to him?
Washington replied, " Tes, you are to command the left

1. Livingston to Washington, June 22,1780, speaking of Arnold, says : "His courage
is undoubted. He is the favorite of the Militia, and who will agree perfectly with
our Governor."— Spares' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 95.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TKEASO^-. 285

wing, the post of honor." At these words his countenance
changed, but he made no reply.' Washington invited him to
go to headquarters, where in a short time the Commander-
in-Chief arrived, and learned with some surprise that Ar-
nold still complained of his wound, and of his inability in
consequence, of doing " proper service " in the field, and
that he still desired the command of West Point. Wash-
ington had hoped to have had his services in the field in
the stirring campaign now at hand, and had given him
command of the left wing because of its importance, and
because he wished it led by an able and efficient officer, as
there was a prospect of fighting, and for such work no one
could fill the place better, for as a fighting General, "Ar-
nold stood pre-eminent for courage, skill, and good con-
duct." '

AVhen, therefore, Arnold changed countenance, as Wash-
ington, notwithstanding Arnold's public disgrace, an-
nounced to him his selection to command the left wing,
thus carrying out the generous words in the so-called repri-
mand, in which Washington had exhorted him to " exhibit
anew those noble qualities which had placed him in the list
of our most valued commanders," and said, " I will fur-
nish you with opportunities of regaining the esteem of your
countrymen," — was not Arnold's change of countenance be-
cause he now saw his fatal error — saw it, alas, when too
late ? It must ever add a still darker shade to his treason,
that he could thus deceive his old and ever faithful friend.

Seeing that Arnold really wished the command at West
Point, Washington on the third of August gave him his in-
structions, and he immediately rei3aired to that post, and
fixed his quarters at Beverly, formerly the beautiful coun-
try seat of Col. Beverly Bobinson. This gentleman was in

1. Hamilton's Letters to Laurens.— S'pa/fcs' Life of Arnold, p. 150.

2. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 159.

286 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

tlie full confidence of Sir Henrj Clinton. His picturesque
mansion stood a short distance below "West Point, on the
eastern side of the Hudson, in a lonely part of the far-famed
Highlands, high np from the river, and yet at the foot ot a
mountain covered with woods.'

From this seclusion Arnold carried on his secret correspon-
dence with Andre. Here, somewhat secluded from the offi-
cers of the post, he lived, and was often seen walking alone
on the banks of the Hudson, his face stern and sorrowful,
brooding over his fancied wrongs.

Here, in September, came Mrs. Arnold, bringing with
her their infant son, Edward Shippen; and to her while
here, was addressed the touching letter of Miss Hannah
Arnold, set forth on a preceding page. Here, on the 14th
of September, he wrote a long letter to General Washing-
ton, replying to questions which the Commander-in-Chief
had propounded to the council of general officers, as to the
conduct of the campaign. Here, on the 12th of Septem-
ber, he addressed a letter to General Greene, " with senti-
ments of the most sincere regard and affection," criticising
his early friend and later enemy, General Gates, who had
lately been terribly defeated in South Carolina, and among
other things, saying: " It is a most nnfortunate piece of
business for that Tiero^ and may possibly blot his escutcheon
with indelible infamy." ''

It was his own " escutcheon " that he was now blotting
with " indelible infamy."

In a letter to "Washington, September 5th, he says: "I
had the pleasure of General Schuyler's company last night."

It was thus, while in daily intercourse and correspond-
ence with his fellow soldiers, in the full enjoyment of their
friendship and sympathy, and in the unshaken confidence

1. Irving's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 112.

2. Manuscript letter in tfie State Department at Washington,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOIsT. 287

of his chief, his home hallowed by the devoted affection of
his young and beautiful wife, and brightened by the play-
fulness of liis child, the idol of his sister, the pride of his
elder boys at school, he was conspiring with the enemy to
betray the cause for which he and his comrades had so
often fought.

T have heard from a descendant of Arnold the existence
of a tradition that he often said, and repeated over and over
again, to his dying day. " I believed our cause was hopeless;
I thought we never could succeed, and I did it to save
the shedding ot blood." If this language expressed liis
real sentiments and opinions, how infinitely more noble
W'Ould it have been to stand or fall, live or die with his
comrades. How inexcusable to betray them!

The importance of AVest Point with its military stores,
was fully realized by Sir Henry Clinton. Its possession
would secure the Hudson, cut off Kew England, facilitate
intercourse with Canada by the lakes, and, in fact, accomp-
lish nearly all which Burgoyne and St. Leger's expeditions,
with their ten thousand men, had sought to effect.

The conspiracy had been carried forward by correspon-
dence under fictitious names, by Arnold and Andre, and its
consummation now required a personal meeting; and at
Arnold's i^equest, Andre, then holding the position of Ad-
jutant-General in the British Army, was detailed to meet
the American general and settle all details. On the 20th
of September Andre went on board the British sloop of
war, Yulture, with Colonel Beverly Robinson,' and pro-
ceeded up the Hudson, with a view of holding an inter-
view with Arnold. On the night of the 21st, a boat was
sent by Arnold to the Yulture, which brought Andre to
the shore about six miles below Stoney Point; and there

1. I think the circumstantial evidence Is very strong, that Robinson had been
cue of the agents to seduce Arnold.

288 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

under the shadow of the moTintains, after midnight, the
conspirators met. As the dawn of day drew near, the con-
ference not being concluded, Andre was indnced to accom-
pany Arnold to the house of Joshua Ilett Smith, about two
miles below Stoney Point. Soon after they reached the house
the booming of cannon was heard, and directly tliey saw the
Yulture weigh anchor and proceed down the river. Colo-
nel Livingston, of the American army, thought she was too
near the American outposts, and brought cannon to bear,
and compelled her to descend the river. Arnold and An-
dre breakfasted together at Smith's, and then completed
the arrangements for the surrender of West Point. Plans
of the works, their armament, the number of troops, etc.,
Avere furnished by Arnold to Andre, and concealed by the
latter in his boots, between his stockings and his feet. Ar-
nold then, in case Andre should not be able to reach the
Vulture by water, furnished him with a horse, and a pass
in these words:

" Permit Mr. John Anderson to pass the guards to the White Plains,
or below if he chooses, he being on public business by my direction.

"B.Arnold, M. General.'''

Also a pass for Smith by water, and another by land.

After breakfast, before Arnold and Andre separated,
they walked out towards the river, and pausing on the
banks of the Hudson, Arnold said :

" Andre, you have strangely won my confidence . I
cannot part without opening my heart to you. I have
cherished the hope of associating my name with that of
Washington in achieving the independence of my country.
Look out upon this magnificent river," extending his arm
towards the Hudson ; "is it not fit to bear the commerce
of an empire to the ocean?" Musing a moment, he added ;

" I thought it time this vast continent was independent
and free; how long, I used to ask myself, must the territory

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 289

drained bj this great outlet be subordinate to your petty
Thames; our continent to your little island?" " Do you
appreciate," lie continued, " all I hazard by the scheme we
have agreed upon ?" " My name is now associated in his-
tory forever with the Hudson and the Mohawk Yalley;
few will recall Saratoga without thinking of the bloody
charge I made." "/ certainly shall not forget it," said he,
smiling bitterly, " so long as I drag about this crippled leg."

'• But," broke in Andre, interrupting him, "what cares Con-
gress for your services, your wounds, and your losses ?
Your enemies in Congress do not thank you. I have even
been told that in your last fight with Burgoyne, when you
so crippled him as to compel his surrender, you fought as a
volunteer, and without a command; and that while you
were leading the troops Gates was in his tent, not even go-
ing upon the field at all : yet he received Burgoyne's swordi
a medal from Congress, all the honors of the victory, and
he^ forsooth, is the hero of Saratoga, while you were tried
by court-martial and disgraced."

"Yes," replied Arnold, "all this and more, is true; and
this, in part, has driven me to my present conduct. Inde-
pendence must be postponed. Half a century hence it will
come, and without war."

"Yes, General Arnold," said Andre, "we will restore
peace and reconciliation; and for you there shall be
honor, appreciation, and an English peerage, in place of in-
gratitude, neglect, disgrace, and a public 'reprimand.'""

" And for my country," said Arnold, " peace and reconcili-
ation will, I hope, be better than blood and suffering, and a
French vassalage; but, Andre, this treachery to Washing-
ton, my best and most faithful friend — this is what I hate.
Ah, Andre, you do not know him; there is a simple dignity
about him, a sense of justice, a patience, a sympathy, a gen-
erosity which makes me both love and reverence him, and
19

290 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

besides, I am bound to him by gratitude for a thousand acts
of kindness, and I sometimes feel that I would rather die
than deceive him. If I could buy this j)eace with my own
blood, if by giving the other leg I could obtain a triumph
over my enemies and peace for my country; nay, were it
not for my wife (you know her Andre, and what I have to
live for), were it not for her and the boys, my life might
freely go; yes, as freely as I periled it at Quebec, at Yal-
cour Island, at Eidgefield, at Bemis Heights. * * * *
" They have driven me to this," exclaimed he, bitterly, " they
have made me the villain, all the world will call me, if we
fail!"

" But we must not, will not fail! Go, Andre, hasten back
to Sir Henry Clinton, bring up your troops, and West
Point is yours!" ^

Tims ended the interview, and Arnold ]-eturned to his
quarters.

Andre passed the day at Smith's house, expecting to be
put on board the Yulture at night. As evening approached,
Smith refused to put him on board, fearing for his own
safety ; but proposed to cross the river with him, and put
him in the way of returning to New York by land. Andre
was disappointed, but was finally induced to put Smith's
overcoat on over his uniform, and about sunset they started,
crossing at King's Ferry. After proceeding about eight
miles they were stopped by an American patrol. Arnold's
pass satisfied the officer in command, but he warned them
against proceeding further at night. They stopped and
passed the night.

The next morning at day-break they started again, and
now approached what was called the " neutral ground," a

1. I need scarcely say I have no authority for the above dialogue, but every
reader may judge for himself what degree of probability there is that it occurred.
I mention this because for every fact, stated without qualification, I have given the
authority, or have had authority which I believed sufficient.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 291

part of the the country some thirty miles in extent, and
lying between the lines of the two armies; after going two
or three miles further towards New York, Andre and Smith
breakfasted at a farm house and then parted; Smith return-
ing home and Andre going on towards New York, cheerful,
and with the conviction that the dangerous part of his
journey was over.

As he was proceeding, he was arrested in a wooded glen
by three men, the foremost of wdiich wore a uniform indi-
cating that he belonged to the British army. Andre,
losing all caution, imprudently exclaimed, " Gentlemen I
hope you belong to our party." ' " What party? " was the
reply. " The lower party," said Andre. " We do," replied
the leader.

Andre, thrown entirely off his guard, immediately de-
clared himself to be a British officer; that he had been up
the country on important business, and must not be
detained ; drawing out his gold watch, as evidence of the truth
of his statement, whereupon his captors avowed themselves
Americans, and that Andre was their prisoner. They were
yeomanry of the neighborhood, and their names were John
Paulding, Isaac Yan Wort and David Williams. It seems
that the coat of Paulding, which had misled Andre, was
one received by him from the enemy who had lately held
him a prisoner, and stripping him of his better farmer's
clotlies, had given him this coat in exchange.

Andre, now too late, exhibited his pass, ^vhich if exhibi-
ted when he was first halted, w^ould have been sufficient;
but now he having avowed himself a British officer, they
seized the bridle of his horse, ordered him to dismount,
searched him, and in his boots found the concealed papers,
when Paulding exclaimed, " My God ! he is a spy." ^

Andre now offered his captors any sum of money, goods,

1. living's Washington.

292 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

anything, if tliej would let him go. These offers they
refflsed, and conducted their prisoner to Lieut. Colonel Jame-
son, who commanded the post at 'New Castle. He imme-
diately sent the papers found in Andre's boots, by express
to General Washington, who was returning from a visit to
the French at Hartford. Andre begged Colonel Jameson
to inform his commander at West Point, that John Aiide?'-
son, though bearing his pass, was detained as a prisoner.
Jameson wrote a statement of the facts to General Arnold,
and thoughtlessly sent it forward with the prisoner.
Major Tallmadge, soon after,coming in, and learning the
facts, and suspecting something was wrong, induced Jame-
son to send an express after the officer who had Andre in
charge, with orders to bring him back to ISTew Castle, but
the letter to Arnold was permitted to go forward to its des-
tination.

Andre was then conducted to Colonel Sheldon, and there
being informed that the papers fonnd on his person had
been forwarded to Washington, he wrote to him a letter,
frankly declaring his real character, and stating the circnm-
stances of his expedition and capture, as follows :

" Major Andre to General Washington. ?
"Salem, 24 September, 1780. i"

" Sir: — What I have as yet said concerning mj^self was in the justifiable
attempt to be extricated ; I am too little accustomed to duplicity to have
succeeded.

"I beg your Excellency will be persuaded that no alteration in the
temper of my mind, or apprehension for my safety, induces me to take
the step of addressing you, but that it is to rescue myself from an impu-
tation of having assumed a mean character for treacherous purposes or
self-interest; a conduct incompatible with the principles that actuate me,
as well as with my condition in life.

" It is to vindicate my fame that I speak, and not to solicit security.

" The person in your possession is Major John Andre, adjutant- general
to the British army.

"The influence of one commander in the army of his adversary is an
advantage taken in war. A correspondence for this purpose I held as

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 293

confidential (in the present instance) with his Excellency, Sir Henry
Clinton.

"To favor it, I agreed to meet upon ground not within the posts of
either party, a person who was to give me intelligence; I came up in
the Vulture man-of-war for this effect, and was fetched by a boat from
the ship to the beach. Being there, I was told that the approach of day
would prevent my return, and that I must be concealed until the next
night. I was in my regimentals, and had fairly risked my person.

" Against my stipulation, my intention, and without my knowledge
beforehand, I was conducted within one of your posts. Your Excellency
may conceive my sensation on this occasion, and will imagine how much
more must I have been affected by a refusal to re-conduct me back the next
night as I had been brought. Thus become a prisoner, I had to concert
my escape. I quitted my uniform, and was passed another way in the
night, without the American posts to neutral ground, and informed I was
beyond all armed parties, and left to press for New York. I was taken at
Tarrytown by some volunteers.

"Thus, as I have had the honor to relate, was I betrayed (being ad-
jutant-general of the British army) into the vile condition of an enemy
in disguise within your posts.

"Having avowed myself a British ofBcer, I have nothing to reveal
but what relates to myself, which is true on the honor of an officer and a
gentleman.

" The request I have to make to your Excellency, and I am conscious
I address myself well, is, that in any rigor policy may dictate, a decency
of conduct towards me may mark, that though unfortunate I am branded
with nothing dishonorable, as no motive could be mine but the service
of my King, and as I was involuntarily an impostor.

"Another request is, that I may be permitted to write an open letter to
Sir Henry Clinton, and another to a friend for clothes and linen.

" I take the liberty to mention the condition of some gentlemen at
Charleston, who, being either on parole or under protection, were engaged
in a conspiracy against us. Though their situation is not similar, they
are objects who may be set in exchange for me, or are persons whom the
treatment I receive might affect.

"It is no less, sir, in a confidence of the generosity of your mind,
than on account of your superior station, that I have chosen to importune
you with this letter. I have the honor to be, with great respect. Sir.
your Excellency's most obedient humble servant,

"John Andre, Adjutant-General."'

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 531.

CHAPTEE XYI.

ARNOLD'S ESCAPE— ANDRE'S EXECUTION.

"Is there not some chosen curse,
Some hidden thunder in the stores of Heaven,
Red with uncommon wrath to blast the man,
Who seeks his greatness by his country's ruin ? "

Aekold Hears op Andre's Capture— Flies to the Vulture— Washington
Arrives at West Point— Mrs. Arnold's Distress— Arnold's Letter to Wash-
ington Declaring Her Innocence, and Begging Washington to Protect
Her— Declares His Military Family Innocent— Hannah Arnold's Letter
Begging the Pity of all Her Friends, and Praying Them not to Forsake
Her— Andre's Trial as a Spy— Efforts to Save His Life— His Execution-
Arnold's Alleged Offer to Give Hisiself Up, to Save the Life of Andre.

On the day of the treasonable conference between Arnold
and Andre, on the banks of the Hudson, "Washington met
the French officers at Hartford. With him, besides his own
military family, were LaFayette and his suite, and General
Knox and his staff. On the morning of the 25th Septem-
ber, having sent on their baggage, and a message to Gen-
eral Arnold that the party would breakfast with him on
that day, "Washington's party were very early in the saddle,
riding towards Arnold's headquarters at the Robinson
House. As they approached that place, Washington turned
off from the direct route, to visit the defenses on the east
side of the Hudson. Lafayette, with the politeness of his
nation and the gallantry of a young soldier, suggested to
the general that Mrs. Arnold would be waiting breakfast
(294)

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 295

for tlieiu. "Ah, Marquis," rej^lied Wasliington, "j-ou
young men are all in love with Mrs. Arnold. I see jou
are eager to be with her as soon as possible. Go and break-
fast with her, and tell her not to wait for nie. I must ride
down and examine the redoubts on this side the river, but
will be with you shortly." Lafayette and Knox, liowever,
accompanied Washington, but Col. Hamilton and others of
the staff went directly to Arnold's headquarters, bearing
Washington's message to Mrs. Arnold.

In accordance with his request, they all sat down to
breakfast. Mrs. Arnold with her child had arrived from
Philadelphia a few days previous. She, it is said, received
her guests cordially, and was as usual, bright, happy, gay
and fascinating. Arnold was grave and thoughtful. Well
he might be.

Washington had arrived two days sooner than he had
Deen expected, and this was the eventful day on which the
treason was to be consummated. He had arranged witli
Andre that the garrison should be scattered through the
passes and defiles of the highlands, and the enemy's ships,
with the British troops on board, were on this very day to
ascend the river and take possession of the post; and now
came Washington unexpectedly to disconcert ev^erything.

In the midst of the breakfast a horseman galloped to the
door. It was Lieutenant Allen, with Jameson's letter to
Arnold, containing the startling statement that Andre is
a prisoner, and the papers found in his boots have been
forwarded to Washington. It was a terrible crisis in the
life of Arnold. "Yet," says Irving, "in this awful mo-
ment he gave evidence of that quickness of mind which
had won laurels for him when in the path of duty."*

With a self-control that was amazing, he excused him-
self to his guests, retired, ordered a horse, and then going

1. Irving's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 138,

296 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

to Mrs. Arnold's room, sent for her, and disclosed liis per-
ilous position, saying: "I must fly instantly! My life
depends on my reaching the British lines without detec-
tion."

Startled, bewildered, and completely overcome, she fell
senseless at his feet; * he laid her upon the bed, calling a
servant to her assistance, and then returning again to the
breakfast-room, he asked his guests to excuse him; he said
he must hasten to "West Point to prepare for the reception
of the General; and then springing upon his horse, ready
saddled at the door, he galloped down a steep, along what is
still called "Arnold's path," towards the landing place,
where his six-oared barge was moored. How terrible must
have been his feelings as he dashed down the hill, leaving
behind him his wife and child, country, friends, honor and
faith! Not now could he exclaim, as in other days: "I
am in the discharge of duty, and know no fear!" Like
guilty Macbeth, he could not respond: "Amen" to "God
bless our patriot cause."

"Never had shaken his nerves in fig-ht."
But as his horse's hoofs struck fire from the rocks in his
headlong speed, the very echo seemed the voice of the
avenger. Danger and death were behind him, and what
was infinitely worse, dishonor was before him and around
him. From death he might escape by flight, but from dis-
honor— this man who so loved glory — from dishonor for him
there was from henceforth forever no escape !

Seizing his pistols from his holsters, he sprang into the
barge and directed the oarsmen to pull into the middle of

1. " Dr. Eustis, who had charge of the hospital in the vicinity, was called to the
assistance of Mrs. Arnold, whose situation was alarming. He found her at the
head of the staircase, in great dishabille, her hair discheveled, knowing no one,
and frantic, in the arms of her maid and Arnold's two aids, struggling to liberate
herself from them. She was carried back to her chamber, and fell into convulsions,
which lasted several hours.' — Thatcher's American Revulution, pp. 471-2.

HIS PATEIOTISM AXD HIS TREASON. 297

the river, find tlien row with speed for Teller's Point, saying
he must hasten, as he wished to return and meet General
"Washington. As the boat passed Yerplank's Point,
Arnold raised a white handkerchief and ordered the boat-
men to row directly to the Yulture, which was in sight.
All the way he sat in the prow, his pistols either in his
hand or within his reach. He would not have been captured
alive. The boat reached the scliooner, and the fugitive
springing on deck, was safe from pursuit.

After Arnold had had an interview witli the commander
of the Yulture, he came on deck, and is reported to
have said to the bargemen, who had taken him to the
schooner : " My lads, I have quitted the rebel army
and joined the standard of his Brittanic Majesty. If you
will join me I will make sergeants and corporals of you all,
and for you, Larvey, (who was coxswain), I will do some-
thing more." Larvey indignantly replied, "ISTo, sir, one
coat is enough for me to wear at a time." ' General Heath,
in his memoirs, gives the following account of the incident :

" When Arnold had got under tho guns of the Vulture, he told Cor-
poral LaiTey. who was cockswain of the barge, that he was going on
board the ship, not to return, and that if he, Larvey, would stay with
him, he should have a commission in the British service. To this Lar-
vey, who was a smart fellow, replied, that he would be d— d if he fought
on both sides. The General replied that he would send him on shore.
Arnold then told the barge crew that if any of them would stay with
him they should be treated well, but if they declined staying, they
should be sent on shore. One or two stayed, the rest with the cockswain,
were sent on shore in the ships' boat ; the barge was kept. Larvey, for
his fidelity, was made a sargeant. He thought he merited more, and that
he ought to have had as much as Arnold promised him. He continued
uneasy until, at his repeated request, he was allowed to leave the army.''^*

These are, probably, the facts in relation to the crew.

1. Thatcher, p. 472.
1. Heath's Memoirs, 1798, p. 255.

This account is confirmed by Larvey himself, as given by Eustis, in Mass. Hist.
Sec. Col., Vol. XIV, p. 52.

298 LIFE OF BENEDICT APvNOLD.

An hour after Arnold's flight, "Washington arrived at
the Robinson Ilonse, and being informed that Mrs. Arnokl
was in her room ill, and that Arnold had gone to West
Point to prepare to receive him, he hastily took his break-
fast, and he and part}^, with the exception of Hamilton,
started for the fortress, leaving word that he would return
to dinner.

As the party were crossing the Hudson, between the
overhanging cliffs, Washington, looking up at the grand
scenery around him, said : " Gentlemen, I am glad General
Arnold has gone before ns, for we shall now have a salute,
and the roaring of the cannon will have a fine effect among
these mountains."

"The castled crag of Drachenfels

Frowns o'er the wide and winding Rhine "

with no more wild and picturesque beauty than the
fortress of West Point rose above the w^aters of the majestic
Hudson.

But no salute greeted the ears of AVashington, and as his
boat approached the western shore, an oflicer was seen
winding his way down the side of the rocky cliff. It was
Colonel Lamb, who seemed very much surprised, and
apologized for not receiving the Commander-in-Chief with
the honors due to his rank. " Is not General Arnold here V'^
inquired Washington.

"E"o, sir; he has not been here for two days past, nor
liave I heard from him in that time."

Washington remained during the morning, ascending to
Fort Putnam, and inspecting the fortifications. Meanwhile,
the messenger from Jameson, with the papers found upon
the person of Andre, having missed Washington on his way
from. Hartford, and hearing that the General had passed
him by a different road, had returned and followed him to
the Eobinson House, and on his way had taken and brought

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 299

the letter from Andre to Washington, disclosing tlie con-
spiracy^ These letters and papers being presented to
Colonel Hamilton, Washington's confidential aid, were
opened and read by him. Hastening to find Washington,
he met the General and party coming np from the
river. Hamilton addressed a few words to him in a low
tone, and they retired into the house. The papers told their
own too sad story — the leader of the daring expedition
through the wilderness, wounded at Quebec, the hero of
Saratoga, he who, with the militia had driven Tryon from
his native State, was a traitor, and had fled to the enemy !
Hamilton was ordered to mount and ride with speed to try
to overtake and capture the fugitive. In vain; Arnold had
had four or five hours the start.

AVashington was calm ; calling to Lafayette and Knox,
he told them the story, and said, sadly, " Whom can we
trust now?"

James Fenimore Cooper, in giving an account of this
incident, derived, as is supposed, from Lafayette, says:
" When Washington and Lafayette met, the former put
the report of Jameson into the hands of the latter, and said
with tears in his eyes, ' Arnold is a traitor, and has fled to
the British.' General Knox was present at this scene." '

Hamilton returned and reported Arnold's escape, and
brought with him the following letter from the fugitive,
which had been sent ashore by a flag from the Yulture :

"On Board the Vulture, 25 September, 1780.
"Sir, — The heart which is conscious of its own rectitude, cannot
attempt to palliate a step which the world may censure as wrong-,
I have ever acted from a principle of love to my country since the com-
mencement of the present unhappy contest between Great Britain and
the Colonies. The same principle of love to my country actuates my pres-
ent conduct, however it may appear inconsistent to the world, who very
seldom judge right of any man's actions.

1. Cooper's Notions of the Americans, picked up by a Traveling Bachelor, p. 214.

300 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

" I have no favor to ask for myself. I have too often experienced the
ingratitude of my country to attempt it ; but, from the known humanity
of your Excellency, I am induced to ask your protection for Mrs. Arnold
from every insult and injury that a mistaken vengeance of my country
may expose her to. It ought to fall only on me ; she is as good and
as innocent as an angel, and is incapable of doing wrong. I beg she
may be permitted to return to her friends in Philadelphia, or to come
to me, as she may choose. From your Excellency I have no fears on her
account, but she may sufi'er from the mistaken fury of the country.

" I have to request that the enclosed letter may be delivered to Mrs.
Arnold, and she be permitted to write to me.

" I have also to ask that my clothes and baggage, which are of little
consequence, may be sent to me ; if required, their value shall be paid
in money. i

"I have the honor to be, with great regard and esteem, your Excel-
lency's most obedient, humble servant. B. Arnold. .

" N. B.— In justice to the gentlemen of my family, Colonel Varick and
Major Franks, I think myself in honor bound to declare that they, as
well as Joshua Smith, Esq. (who I know is suspected), are totally
ignorant of any transactions of mine, that they had reason to beheve
were injurious to the public. B. A."

The paragraph in Arnold's letter in relation to his wife,
declaring that "she is as good and as innocent as an angel,
and as incapable of doing wrong," shows his devotion to
her in this hour of supreme peril and desolation, and his
efforts to prevent unjust suspicion falling upon his military
family. Colonel Yarick and Major Franks, are honorable to
him. Let us not overlook any bright spot in the character
now blackened with treachery. In the meantime, "Wasli-
ington took every precaution against an attack by the
enemy, and it is worthy of remark that no one of Arnold's
military family, nor any among his personal friends, was to
any extent implicated in his treachery. Washington did
not betray any nnusual excitement or anxiety. When
dinner was announced, he said: "Come gentlemen; since
Mrs. Arnold is ill, and the General is absent, let us sit
down without ceremony."

Mrs. Arnold remained in her room, crushed with sorrow

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 301

and anxiety, and in a state bordering on phrensj. Arnold
-did not overestimate the generosity and chivalry of Wash-
ington when he begged his protection for her. Washington
regarded her with the deepest sympathy and commisera-
tion, believing her ignorant of all previous knowledge of
her husband's guilt. When he delivered to her the letter
which her husband had enclosed in the one to himself, he
told her that he had, in accordance with his duty, done all
in his power to have her husband arrested, but not having
succeeded, it gave him pleasure to assure her of his safety.'

The following letter from Hamilton to Miss Schuyler,
the daughter of General Schuyler, to whom he was then
engaged, gives a touching picture of the interview between
Washington and Mrs. Arnold, and shows how vivid the
impression her distress and beauty made upon this young
soldier:"

" September 25, 1780.

" Arnold, hearing of the plot being detected, immediately fled to the
enemy. I went in pursuit of him, but was much too late, and could
hardly regret the disappointment, when, on my return, I saw an amiable
woman, frantic with distress for the loss of a husband she tenderly
loved, a traitor to his country and to his fame; a disgrace to his connec-
tions; it was the most affecting scene I ever was witness to. She, for a
considerable time, entirely lost herself. The General went up to see her
and she upbraided him with being in a plot to murder her child. One
moment she raved; another she melted into tears. Sometimes she
pressed her infant to her bosom and lamented its fate, occasioned by the
imprudence of its father, in a manner that would have pierced insensi-
bility itself. All the sweetness of beauty, all the loveliness of innocence,
all the tenderness of a wife, and all the fondness of a mother showed
themselves in her appearance and conduct. We have every reason to
believe that she was entirely unacquainted with the plan, and that the
first knowledge of it was when Arnold went to tell her he must banish
himself from his country and from her forever. She instantly fell into
a convulsion, and he left her in that situation.

" This morning she is more composed. I paid her a visit, and endeav-

1. Irving's Washington, Vol. IV, p. 145.

2. Hamilton papers. Vol. I, p. 478.

302 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

ored to soothe lier by every method in my power ; though you may
imagine she is not easily to be consoled. Added to her other distresses,
she is very apprehensive the resentment of her country will tall upon her"
(who is only unfortunate) for the guilt of her husband.

"I have tried to persuade her that her fears are ill founded ; but she will
not be convinced. She received us in bed, with every circumstance that
would interest our sympathy, and her sutFerings were so eloquent that I
wished myself her brother, to have a right to become her defender. As
it is, I have entreated her to enable me to give her proofs of my friend-
ship. Could I forgive Arnold for sacrificing his honor, reputation, and
duty, I could not forgive him for acting a part that must have forfeited
the esteem of so fine a woman. At present she almost forgets his crime
in his misfortunes, and her horror at the guilt of the traitor, is lost in her
love of the man. But a virtuous mind cannot long esteem a base one ;
and time will make her despise, if it cannot make her hate.

"A. Hamilton."

On the evening of the 25th the Yulture sailed to New
York, carrying General Arnold, who reached that city the
next morning, and communicated to Sir Henry Clinton the
first intelligence he received of the capture of Andre.

It would be difficult to conceive a more painful position
than that which Arnold now occupied. Going into the
British headquarters with the eclat of a great, though
guilty exploit, by which it was expected the war might be
brought to an early close, was one thing; to fly to these
quarters for refuge, a detected traitor, and a powerless,
valueless fugitive, having accomplished nothing but the ex-
posure of his own treachery, and the hazard of Andre's life,
was another.*

Without anticipating the narration of future events, I
pause to say that Arnold's life from that day forward, though
he received many gracious favors from the King and the tory
party in England, yet his life was a sad one, and adds an-
other, and one of the most striking and conspicuous in
history, to the verification of the truth that "the way of
the transgressor is hard."

1. " He stood alone— a renegade
Against the country he betrayed."

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASOX. 303

The news of Arnold's treason created a popular furore
against liini, the violence of which is indescribable. N^one
felt the disgrace more keenly than his devoted sister. She
liad been proud of her brother, and had rejoiced with all a
sisters fondness in his glory, and she deeply sympathized
in his wrongs. But now the message from Edith to Morton
in Old Mortality, would have aptly expressed her feelings:
" Tell him that Edith Bellenden has wept more over his fallen
character, blighted prospects, and disgraced name, than
over all her own sufferings." No more could she proudly
MTite, as she had done in his hour of victory, "'Ben' is
eager to hear everything in relation to his father." * Yet
she stood by him faithfully and heroically, and no popular
hatred could ever alienate her attachment. She could and
did always say, " Your health and prosperity are dear to
ine as my own." It will be rememberd that she addressed
a letter from Philadelphia to Mrs. Arnold, at AVest Point,
about the middle of September. This letter, full of hope
and affection, speaks fondly, as a tender maiden sister
would, of the sons of General Arnold, the two elder of
which, Ben and Richard, were at school in Maryland, and
the younger, Henry, was with her in Philadelphia. "When
the tidings of her brother's flight to the enemy reached her,
she wrote to an old friend in ITew Haven as follows :

" Dear Sir: — My unfortunate brother wrote me some time since that
he had desired you to send for my bed from Maj. Atwater, and to forward
it to him If it was not done before the distressful step he has taken, I beg-
you would desire Maj. Atwater to keep it until I send for it, as 'tis most
probable, if my wretched life is continued, that I shall one day quit this
land of strangers, and return to that of my birth. Be so good as to de-
sire Mr. Shipman to keep the money for the china, unless he has paid it
to you; if he has, you will be so good as to resei've it in your hands.

1. " Worse than absence, worse than death,
She wept her brother's suUied fame,
And fired with all the pride of birth,
She wept a soldier's injured name."

304 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

Let me ask the pity of all ray friends; there never was a more proper
object of it. Do write. Forsake me not in my distress, I conjure you,
but let me hear by all opportunities. I am glad Captain Sloan is for-
tunate. May you all be so, prays the miserable HANisrAH Arnold.

" The little unfortunate boys in Maryland are well, as is Harry, who
desires his love. I was so swallowed up in my own distress, I had forgot
yours, in the loss of your little son! But mourn not for him, my friends,
he has escaped the snares and miseries of a wretched, deceitful and
sorrowing vale of tears. H. A." '

The above most pathetic letter was written from Philadel-
phia, and while popular fury was raging with the greatest vio-
lence against Arnold. I anticipate the narration so far as to
say that she made her home during life with Kichard and
Henr}^, sons of her brother by his first wife, and that her
sisterly devotion was never forgotten by him. When an
exile from his country, and amid all changes of fortune, he
never forgot to remit to her a pension, and this was relig-
iously continued after General Arnold's death, by his
widow.

On the the 26th September, Major Tallmadge, having in
custody, Andre, arrived at the Eobinson House. Washing-
ton declined seeing the prisoner, but gave orders that he
should be treated with every courtesy and civility consistent
with his absolute security.

Major Tallmadge, and indeed every one who was brought
into personal intercourse with Andre, was fascinated by his
engaging qualities. He says :

" It often drew tears from my eyes to find him so agreeable in conver-
sation on different subjects, when I reflected on his future fate, and that,
too, as I feared, so near at hand."

While Tallmadge was on the way with Andre to the
American head-quarters, their conversation became very cor-
dial and frank, and finally Andre asked Tallmadge in what
light he would be regarded by General Washington and a

1. From a copy in possession of Cliicago His. Society.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 305

military tribunal. Tallraaclge evaded an answer, but being-
pressed, lie finally said : '

"I had a much-loved dass-mate in Yale College, by the name of
Nathan Hale, who entered the aiuny in 1775. Immediately after the
battle of Long Island, General Washington wanted information respect-
ing the strength, position and probable movements of the ennemy. Captain
Hale tendered his services, went over to Brooklyn, and was taken just
as he was passing the outposts of the enemy on his return Said I, with
emphasis: ^ Do you rememher the sequel of the story?'' 'Yes,' said
Andre, ' he was hanged as a spy ! But you surely do not consider his
case and mine alike ?' ' Yes, precisely similar ; and similar will be
j'our fate! ' "

The arrival of Arnold in E"ew York, and the news of
Andre's capture, caused a great sensation in the British,
army. Andre was very popular, and an especial favorite
with the Commander-in-Chief. Clinton and Arnold and
Robinson, conferred together as to the means of obtaining
the release of Andre. Arnold wrote a letter to Clinton,
assuming the responsibility for Andre's conduct, declaring
that he came to him under the protection of a flag of truce,
and that he gave him passports to go to White Plains, on
his return to New York.' This letter, enclosed in one from

1. Irving's Wa=:hington, Vol. IV, pp. 149-150.

2. The following is Arnold's letter, copied from Sparks' Writings of Wash-
ington, Vol. VII, p.p 334-2.

" New York, 26th September, 1780.

" Sir: In answer to your Excellency's message, respecting your Adjutant-Gen-
eral, Major Andre, and desiring my idea of the reasons why he is detained, being
under my passports, I have the honor to inform you, Sir, that I apprehend a few
hours must return Major Andre to your Excellency's Orders, as that officer is
assuredly under the protection of a flag of truce sent by me to him for the purpose
of a conversation, whieli 1 requested to hold with him relating to myself, and.
which I wished to communicate, through that officer, to your Excellency.

"I commanded at the time at West Point, and had an undoubted right to send;
myflagoftrure for Major Andre, wlio came to me under that protection, ami,
having held my conversation with him, I delivere 1 him confidential papers in my
own hand-writing, to deliver to your Excellenc.v; thinking it much properer he
should return by land, I directed him to make use of the feigned name of John
Anderson, under which he had, by my direction, come onshore, and gave him my
passports to go to the White Plains on his way to New York. This officer cannot,
therefore, fail of being immediately sent to New York, as he was invited to a conver-
sation with me, for which I sent him a flag of truce, and finally gave him passports
20

306 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

himself, Clinton forwarded to Washington, claiming that
Andre should be permitted to return to I*^ew York." ^

These papers had no influence upon the action of Wash-
ington, except possibly to render him still more careful
and circumspect in regard to tlie prisoner. He referred the
case of Major Andre to a board of general officers, which
he ordered to meet on the 29th, and directed that after a
careful examination, this board should report their opinion
" of the light in which he ought to be considered, and
the punishment that ought to be inflicted." This Board con-
sisted of six major-generals and eight brigadier-generals.'^
Hamilton, in a letter to Col. Laurens has given many very
interesting particulars concerning the conduct, trial and
execution of Andre.

" ' When brought before the Board of officers, he met with every in-
dulgence, and was requested to answer no interrogatory which would
even embarrass his feelings.' ' He frankly confessed all the facts relating
to himself.' Indeed, the facts were not controverted, and the Board re-
ported that Andre ought to be considered as a spy, and agreeably to the
law and usages of nations, must suffer death. ' Andre met the result
with manly firmness.' 'I foresee my fate,' said he; ' and though I pre-
fer his safe return to your Excellency, all which I had then a right to do, being in
the actual service of America, under the orders of General Washington and com-
manding general at West Point and its dependencies.

" I have the honor to be, <fec.

"B. Arnold."

1. The letter from Clinton is as follows, copied from Sparks' Writings of Wash-
ington, Vol. VII., p. 5:54 •

" New York, SGth September, 1780.

'•Sib: Being informed that the King's Adjutant-general in America has been
stopped under Major-General Arnold's passports, and is detained a prisoner by your
Excellency's Army, I have the honor to inform you, sir, that I permitted Major
Andre to go to Major-General Arnold at the particular request of that general
oiUcer. You will preceive, Sir, by the inclosed paper, ihat a flag of truce was sent to
receive Major Andre, and passports granted for his return. 1 therefore can have no
doubt but your Excellency will immediately direct that this officer have permis-
sion to return to my orders at New York.

" I have the honor to be, &c."

3. Their names were, Major-Generals Greene, Stirling, St. Clair, Lafayette, Howe
and Steuben. Brigadier-Generals Parsons, James Clinton, Knox, Glover, Paterson,
Hand, Huntington and Stark.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 307

tend not to play the hero, or to be indifferent about life, yet I am recon-
ciled to whatever may happen, conscious that misfortune, not guilt, has
brought it upon me.' "

On the 30th of September General Washington sent to

Sir Henry Clinton the following statement in regard to

Andre :

" Head-Quakters, 30 September, 1780.

"Sir: — In answer to your Excellency's letter of the 26th instant,
which I had the honor to receive, I have to inform you that Major Andre
was taken under such circumstances as would have justified the most
summary proceeding against him. I determined, however, to refer his
case to the examination and decision of a board of general officers, who
have reported, on his free and voluntary confession and letters: ' First,
That he came on shore from the Vulture Sloop-of-War in the night of
the 21st of September instant, on an interview with General Arnold, in a
private and secret manner.

" ' Secondly, That he changed his dress within our lines ; and, under a
feigned name, and in a disguised habit, passed our works at Stony &
Verplank's Points, the evening of the '22nd of September instant, and
was taken the morning of the lod of September instant, at Tarry Town,
in a disguised habit, being then on his way to New York; and when
taken, he had in his possession several papers which contained intelli-
gence for the enemy.'

" ' From these proceedings it is evident that Major Andre was em-
ployed in the execution of measures very foreign to the objects of flags
of truce, and such as they were never meant to authorize or countenance
in the most distant degree; and this gentleman confessed, with the
greatest candor, in the course of his examination, ' that it was impossi-
ble for him to suppose that he came on shore under the sanction of a
flag.' I have the honor to be, &c.

"George Washington."
— S^yarks'' Writings of Washiiujton, Vol. VII, p. 538.

The closing part of the report of tlie Board of Officers
was not quoted in the letter to Sir Henry Clinton. It was
in the following words:

"The Board, having maturely considered these facts, do also report to
his Excellency. General Wa-hington, that Major Andre, adjutant- general
to the British army, ought to be considered as a spy from the enemy, and
that agreeably to the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he
ought to suffer death."

308 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

Tlie execution was to have taken place on the first of Oc-
tober, at 5 P. M., but Washington received a second letter
from Clinton, expressing the opinion that the Board had
not been 'rightlj^ informed of all the circumstances on
which a judgment ought to be formed,' and adding : ' I
think it of the highest moment to humanity that your
Excellency should be perfectly apprised of the state of this
matter before you proceed to put that judgment in execu-
tion:' and he sent Lieut.-General Eobertson, Lieut.-Gen-
eral Andrew Elliot, and the Hon. Wm. Smith, Chief Jus-
tice, ' to give "Washington a true state of the facts,' as he
wrote, and " to declare to you my sentiments and resolu-
tions."

These gentlemen came up, accompanied by Col. Beverly
Kobinson. General Greene, on the part of Washington, met
Gen. Kobertson on behalf of this party, and a long confer-
ence was held. Greene left to report to Washington all
that had been urged in behalf of Andre, and said he would
Inform Eobertson of the result. A letter from Arnold was
also delivered to Greene for Washington, expressing his
gratitude and thanks for kindness to Mrs. Arnold in her dis-
tress, and then making an argument attempting to prove that
Andre ought not to be considered as a spy ; and he closed
by making a most earnest appeal to Washington for the life
of Andre. "Suffer me to entreat your excellency for your
own and the honor of humanity, and the love you have of
justice, that you suffer not an unjust sentence to touch the
life of Major Andre." "But," he unwisely added, " if
this warning should be disregarded, and he suffer, I call
heaven and earth to witness, that your excellency will be
justly answerable for the torrent of blood that may be
spilt in consequence. ^

Greene sent a note to General Eobertson, informing him

1. Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 541.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 309

that he had made as full a report of their conference as his
memory would enable him to do, but that it made no alter-
ation in the opinion and determination of "Washington.
Robertson then dispatched a letter to "Washington, going
over the subject and arguing it again, and then the party
returned to New York.

Andre, on the morning of October the first, the day he
expected to suffer, sent the following note to "Washington:

" Tappan, 1 October, 1780.

"Sir: — Buoyed above the terror of death by the consciousness of a
life devoted to honorable pursuits, and stained with no action that can
give me remorse, I trust that the request I make to your Excellency at
this serious period, and which is to soften my last moments, will not be
rejected.

" Sympathy towards a soldier wiU surely induce your Excellency and a
military tribunal to adapt the mode of my death to the feeUngs of a man
of honor.

"Let me hope, Sir, that if aught in my character impresses you with
esteem towards me; if aught in my misfortunes marks me as the victim
of policy and not of resentment, I shall experience the operation of those
feelings in your breast, by being informed that I am not to die on a
gibbet.

"I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and most
humble servant,^ John Andre."

This touching request "Washington felt that he could not
grant, and therefore did not reply to the note. The follow-
ing letter, from Hamilton to Miss Schuyler, narrates the
end of this most melancholy tragedy."

" Tappan, Oct. 2, 1780.
"Poor Andre suffers to-day. Everything that is amiable in virtue, in
fortitude, in delicate sentiment and accomplished manners, pleads for
him, but hard-hearted policy calls for a sacrifice. He must die. I send
you my account of Arnold's affair: and to justify myself to your senti-
ments, I must inform you that I urged a compliance with Andre's request
to be shot; and I do not think it would have had an ill-effect, but some
people are only sensible to motives of policy, and sometimes, from a nar-
row disposition, mistake it.

1. Writings of Washington, Vol.VII, p. 543.

2. Hamilton's Papers, Vol. I, p. 408.

310 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

"When Andre's tale comes to he told, and present resentment is over,
the refusing' him the privilege of choosing the manner of his death will
be branded with too much obstinacy.

" It was proposed to me to suggest to him the idea of an exchange for
Arnold, but I knew I should have forfeited his esteem by doing it, and
tiierefore declined it. As a man of honor, he could not but reject it, and
I would not for the world liave proposed to him a thing which must have
placed me in the unamiable light of supposing him capable of meanness,
or of not feeling myself the impropriety of the measure. I confess to you,
I had the weakness to value the esteem of a dying man, because I rever-
enced his merit. A. Hamilton."

There are indications that neither Arnold nor Andre, nor
Sir Henry Clinton, at first fully realized the danger of
Andre's j)osition. All of them seemed to have assumed
that Arnold's safe conduct would protect him. Colonel
Eobinson, "Washington's old Virginia friend, in a letter to
him, after stating that Andre went np the Hudson at
request of Arnold, with a flag of truce, and held that
officer's pass to return, seems to have taken it for granted
that Andre would be set at liberty, for he closes by saying :
" Under these circumstances, Andre cannot be detained by
you." ^ Clinton concludes his first letter to Washington
on the subject by saying : " I can have no doubt your
Excellency will immediately direct that this officer have per-
mission to return." ^

Andre's conversation with Colonel Tallmadge, before quo-
ted, seems to have been the first occasion on which there was
brought to his knowledge the gravity of his danger.

When Arnold was made to appreciate Andre's extreme
peril, his anxiety and deep solicitude are manifested in his
impassioned letter to Washington above quoted, in which
he implored and "entreated" his old commander not to
" sufifer an unjust sentence to touch the life of Andre."

1. Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 533.

2. Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 534.

Ills PATllIOTIS:.! AND IIIS TREASON. oil

It was proposed to Hamilton that he should suggest to
Andre his exchange for Arnold. That chivalric young offi-
cer at once declined. He says:

"As a man of honor he (Anch-e) could not but reject the proposition.
And I would not for the world have proposed anything which must have
placed me in the unamiable liyht of supposing him capab e of mean-
ness." '

An intimation was sent to Sir Henry Clinton, that the
only way to save Andre was to surrender Arnold to die in
his place, and this fact was brought to the knowledge of
General Arnold.

It has been stated, on authority which I will give, that
Arnold thereupon proposed to go back and give himself up
to save the life of Andre. The facts are thus stated in Sar-
gent's life of Andre."

In 1TS2 a personal controversy in regard to Arnold arose
in London, between one Robert Morris and Capt. James
Battersby, of the British army. Morris published in a
newspaper^ a violent attack upon Arnold, charging among
other things, " that he made no otfer of his own person to
save that of Andre."

Captain Battersby, who (Sargent says) " enjoyed the
friendship of military men of the highest social rank, came
forward declaring he verily believed Arnold did offer to
surrender himself, and with the statement,* for the truth
of which he appealed to the gentlemen who were, in the fall
of 1780, members of Clinton's family." " He declared he
was with the English army when Andre was captured and
Arnold came in, and that it was currently reported and be-
lieved in the lines, that Arnold himself proposed to Sir

1. Life of Andre, p. 364.

2. Life of Andre, i^^. 375, 456.

3. Letter of Feb'y 9, 1782, in the " General Advertiser," quoted from Sargent's
Life of Andre, p. 450.

4. In the Morning Herald.

312 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD.

Henrv tliat he might be permitted to go out and surrender
liimself in exchange for Andre, and that the reply was,
'Your proposal, sir, does you great honor, but if Andre was
my own brother I could not agree to it." '

ISTo denial of the truth of this statement and that Arnold
made such an offer appears, although the appeal was pub-
licly made to the gentlemen of Clinton's staff to make such
denial if it was untrue. "When it is remembered how
Andre was beloved by his comrades in the family of Clinton
and by his fellow soldiers of the army, and the position of
Arnold is recalled, it appears to me that if the statement of
Captain Battersby was untrue, it would have been promptly
contradicted. Sargent adds that " the anecdote is not
devoid of support from what we know of the man's
(Arnold's) nature."

1^0 one who has read Sargent's indignant denunciation
of Arnold, will suspect him of any disposition to lighten
the shades of Arnold's infamy, and yet this careful writer
says, " Such an overture would have been perfectly in keep-
ing with his reckless intrepidity of character." * The
biographer of Andre would not be too credulous in believ-
iug on insufficient evidence such a statement.

I regret that I have no additional proof of its truth. 1
think those who have studied Arnold's character most
closely, will agree with Sargent, that such an act " would
have been perfectly in keeping with the intrepidity," and I
add, the impulsiveness "of his nature." Besides what was
there now left for Arnold to live for after his disgrace and
the failure of the conspiracy ? That he realized his unhappy
fate, I do not doubt. Such a sensational death, a voluntary
sacrilice of his life to save the life of Andre, exhibiting
alike his courage and his generosity, would not, in his des-
pair, have been altogether repulsive. It would unquestion-

1. Life of Andre, p. 375.

2. Life of Andre, p. 375.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND IIIS TREASON. 313

ably have been better for his fame if Sir Henry Clinton had
assented to his offer.

If the suggestion proposed to Hamilton had been made
to Andre, there cannot be a doubt he would have looked
upon it as Hamilton did ; he would have rejected it with
indignation. He would have said, " We took our chances
and our hazards. General Arnold, by good fortune and by
his wonderful coolness and prompt decision, escaped. I
have been less fortunate, but it would be unmanly in me
not to abide the issue." There can scarcely be a doubt that
if Andre, when halted by the militia men, had promptly
presented his pass, he would not have been detained.
Paulding, the leader of the party, said: " Had he pulled out
General Arnold's pass first, I should have let him go." *

Andre was an elegant and accomplished gentleman, and
died possessing the sympathy of his judges, and the friend-
ship of all the American officers with whom he had been
brought into familiar intercourse. Both Tallmadge and
Hamilton expressed for him an attachment almost passion-
ate. He died in the full uniform of his rank in the British
army.

A letter from Andre to Sir Henry Clinton, dated the
29th of September, expressing gratitude for his kindness,
and commending to his consideration his mother and
sisters, and exonerating his Commander from all responsi-
bility for his fate, is very touching, and shows the delicacy
of his feelings."'' The following is the letter:

"Tappan, 29 September, 1780.
"Sir: — Your Excellency is doubtless already apprized of the manner
in which I was taken, and possibly of the serious light in which my
conduct is considered, and the rigorous determination that is impending.
Under the circumstances, I have obtained General Washington's per-
mission to send you this letter, the object of which is to remove from

I. Life of Andre, p. 314.

'i Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 537.

314 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

your breast any suspicion that I could imagine I was bound by your Ex-
cellency's orders to expose myself to what has happened. The events of
coming within an enemy's posts and of changing my dress, which led
me to my present situation, were contrary to my own intentions, as they
were to your orders; and the circuitous route which I took to return was
imposed (perhaps unavoidably) without alternative upon me.

" I am perfectly tranquil in mind, and prepared for any fate to which
an honest zeal for my King's service may have devoted me.

"In addressing myself to your Excellency, on this occasion, the force
of all my obligations to you, and of the attachment and gratitude I bear
you, recurs to me. With all the warmbh of my heart, I give you thanks
for your Excellency's profuse kindness to me; and I send you the most
earnest wishes for your welfare, which a faithful, affectionate, and re-
spectful attendant can frame.

" I have a mother and three sisters, to whom the value of my commis-
sion would be an object, as the loss of Grenada has much affected their
income. It is needless to be more explicit on this subject. I am per-
suaded of your Excellency's goodness.

" I receive the greatest attention from his Excellency, General Wash-
ington, and from every person under whose charge I happen to be placed.

" I have the honor to be, with the most respectful attachment, your
Excellency's most obedient, humble servant, John Andre,

''Adjutant -General.'''

The circumstances under which this letter was written,
are thus detailed bj Hamilton:

" In one of the visits I made to him," said Hamilton "(and I saw him
several times daring his confinement), he begged me to be the bearer of
a request to the General for peimission to send an open letter to Sir
Henry Clintom ' There is only one thing,' said he, 'that disturbs my
tranquility. Sir Henry Clinton has been too good to me; he has been
lavish of his kindness; I am bound to him by too many obligations, and
love him too well, to bear the thought that he should i-eproach himself or
others should reproach him, on the supposition of my having conceived
myself obliged, bv his instructions, to run the risk I did. I would not,
for the world, leave a sting in his mind that should embitter his future
days.' He could scarce finish the sentence, bursting into tears in spite of
his eflPorts to suppress them, and with difficulty collected himself enough
afterward to add, ' I wish to be permitted to assure him I did not act
under this impression, but submitted to a necessity imposed upon me, as
contrary to my own inclination as to his orders.' "

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 315

On tlie lOtli of August, 1821, the remains of Andre were
removed from the banks of the Hudson to Westminster
Abbey, and interred there, near the monument whicli had
been long before erected to his memory.

In the south aisle, near the window, and surrounded by
the greatest names in English history, is Andre's monu-
ment : '

" Sacred to the memory of Major John Andre, who,
raised by his merits at an early period of life, to the rank
of Adjutant-General of the British forces in America, and,
employed in an important but hazardous enterprise, fell a
sacrifice to his zeal for his King and Country, on the 2nd
of October, 17S0, aged twenty-nine, universally beloved
and esteemed by the army in whicli he served, and lamented
even by his foes. His gracious sovereign. King George III,
has caused this monument to be erected."

On the plinth these words have since been added : "The
remains of Major John Andre were, on the 10th of August,
1821, removed from Tappan by James Buchanan, Esq., his
Majesty's Consul, at New York, under instructions from his
Eoyal Highness, the Duke of York, and with permission
of the Dean and Chapter, finally deposited in a grave con-
tiguous to this monument, on the 28th of November,
1821."

Although few can regard with approval the enterprise
in which Andre lost his life, none will regret the honors
conferred upon him in the venerable old Abbey which en-
shrines so many of England's worthies.

1. Sargeut's Life of Andre, p. 411.

CHAPTER XVII.

MRS. ARNOLD'S INNOCENCE— WAS ANDRE A SPY?

"She" (Mrs. Arnold) "is as good and as innocent as an angel, and is incapable
of doing wiong.— Arnold to Washington.

Was Mes. Aenold Guilty of Complicity avith her Hdsband's Tkeason?— Was
Andke a Spy, and Executed in Accordance with the Laws of Wae?

When" the attention of the reader was last called to Mrs.
Arnold, she " was overwhelmed with grief," and made
frantic by fear and apprehension for her husband's life.
She was somewhat relieved by "Washington's assurance of
]iis escape and safety.

General Arnold had entreated that she might " be per-
mitted to return to her friends in Philadelphia, or come to
him in "New York, as she might choose." She was treated
by Washington and his officers, while she remained at the
Eobinson House, with the utmost courtesy and attention,
and when she started to go to her father in Philadelphia,
Major Franks, late the aide and devoted friend of her hus-
band, and who had been intimate with her family, was
kindly detailed by Washington to escort her on her journey.

Aaron Burr, the third Yice-President of the United

States, in the biography of Burr, by Mathew L. Davis, is

made to allege that Mrs. Arnold was not only privy to her

husband's treachery, but that she "induced him to do

(316)

niS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 317

what he liad done." In other words, like Eve, slic had
tempted and allured him to his fall.

This charge, made by Burr to Davis, rests upon his state-
ment alone, and is entirely without corroboration. After
describing the arrival of Mrs. Arnold at the house of Mrs.
Provost, on her journey to Philadelphia, Mr. Davis says :

"As soon as they (Mrs, Arnold and Mrs. Provost) were
left alone, Mrs. Arnold became tranquilized, and assured
Mrs. Provost that she was heartily tired of the theatricals
she was exhibiting. * * Stated that she had corres-
j)onded with the British commander, and that she was dis-
gusted with the American cause, and those who had the
management of public affairs, and that through great per-
suasion and unceasing perseverance, she had ultimately
brought the General into an arrangement to surrender
West Point." Mrs. Provost afterwards became the wife of
Col. Burr, and repeated to him, as Davis states, these con-
fessions of Mrs. Arnold. ^ Col. Burr and Mrs. Provost
were married in July, 1782.

The case, then, is this: Mr. Davis says that Colonel Bun-
told him that Mrs. Provost said that Mrs. Arnold declared
she had seduced General Arnold from fidelity to his country
and his flag.

Some time after their marriage — how long we are not told
— Mrs. Burr repeated the conversation to her husband, and
Burr, some time within the half-century following, repeated
the conversation to Davis. It is hearsay evidence, three
times removed, and repeated with years of interval between
the repetitions. As such, it is worthless, independent of the
notorious character of Burr.

Mrs. Provost may have misunderstood Mrs. Arnold; when
detailing the conversation to Colonel Burr she may have
given her own impressions, instead of the facts. Burr may

1. Life of Burr, by Mathew L. Davis, Vol. I, page, 219.

318 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

have done the same when repeating it to Davis. Every
one at all familiar with judicial investigations, knows by ex-
perience how utterly unreliable this sort of evidence is.
Parton, in re-stating the story, does not claim to have any
additional evidence, but repeats the tale of Davis with em-
bellishments.

This story is extremely improbable. Her youth, being
then only twenty years of age, renders such complicity
very unlikely. Arnold himself entirely exonerates her.
" The mistaken vengeance of my countrymen," says he, in
his letter to Washington, " ought to fall only on me. She
is as good and innocent as an angel." This testimony must
be taken cautiously, for whatever it is worth. But it seems
rather the passionate and impulsive declaration of her
innocence than an artful attempt to screen her. Besides,
Hamilton and Washington both believed her innocent, and
their opportunities for judging were better than those of
any others, except Major Franks. The following is his very
important, and, under the circumstances, conclusive testi-
mony on the subject :

"Major Franks, of the Revolutionary army, was a well-known
acquaintance of my parents," says Mrs. Gibson.^ "He was respected
and welcomed wherever he went, for his social good humor and manly
candor. In one of his visits to Philadelphia, where his r.ear relations
resided, he was often at my father's, and one day, when dining with
other gentlemen at our home, and my father and the others had retired to
the parlor, my mother detained Major Franks to converse with him respect-
ing Mrs. Arnold, whom she had recently heard very unjustly spoken
of. He entered upon the subject with alacrity. Mamma said to
him: ' Tell me, Major Franks, what is your opinion and belief concern-
ing her knowledge of her husband's plans.' He quickly replied :
'Madam, she knew nothing of them — nothing; she was ignorant
of them as a babe.' His manner was solemn and earnest, and I began
to think it might be proper for me to withdraw, but he said, ' don't let
Eetsy go — I have nothing to say that she may not hear.' Of course I

1. The statement is made by Mrs. James Gibson, daughter of Jno. Beal Bordly,
Washington's correspondent, and is extracted from the Shippen Papers.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND IIIS TREASON. 319

plailly repiimecl my seat at table, and he went on: — 'Madam, T am glad
j-ou have mentioned this subject. 1 have much to say. I am much dis-
tressed by it. Within a few days I have heard for the first time things said
of her that are contrary to truth — false! utterly false ! You know I was one
of General Arnold's aides. He paid me the compliment to assign me the
particular duty of protecting Mrs. Arnold; of attending to her safety, her
general welfare, and her health. I was, in the General's family, laugh-
ingly called 'the nurse! ' Her health was then delicate, and while Gen.
Arnold was in command at West Point he frequently sent her to differ-
ent, and sometimes distant parts of the country, on that side of the river.
He always sent a guai-d with her, besides her female attendant, and gave
me very particular charge over her welfare. He spoke of her suffering in
the bustle of the camp, and wished her to be relieved from it during the
summer. I obeyed, nothing doubting, but considering him a pattern for
a husband. * * But, madam, she knew nothing of his projects. In
truth, she was subject to occasional paroxysms of physical indisposition,
attended by nervous debility, during which she would give utterance to
anything and everything on her mind. This was a fact well known amongst
us of the General's family; so much so as to cause us to be scrupulous of
what we told her, or said in her hearing. General Arnold was guarded
and impenetrable towards all around him, and I should believe her to ha^e
been ignorant of his plans, even without my knowledge of this peculiar
feature in her constitution ; but tclth it, such a strong corroborative proof,
I am most solemnly and firmly convinced that General Arnold never con-
fided his detestable scheme to her. He could not have ventured to do it.
He was, moreover, too well aware of her tvarm jMtnotic feelings. You
know, Madam, Jiow comj^Jetelij she tvas American at that important
period. Madam, I can aver solemnly she was totally ignorant of his
schemes.''

The following facts are voiiclicd for as known in the
Shippen family at the time of the Eevolution; they have
been often privately repeated, but never mentioned be-
yond its most intimate circle, till the publication of what
they style the base calumny contained in the memoirs of
Aaron Burr:

"Mrs. Arnold having determined to go to her father, in Philadelphia,
set out with her young child and nurse in her carriage, to travel there by
easy stages. On her way she stopped to spend the night at Mrs. Pro-
vost's, an old acquaintance, and afterwards the wife of Col. Burr, and at
that time on terms of tender friendship, if not indeed engaged to him.

320 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

"These facts are told bj^ Burr's biographer, who no doubt, follows Burr's
narrative accurately, but he omits the fact that Burr himself met
Mrs. Arnold at Mrs. Provosts, and when she left the house in the morn-
ing, offered his escort, which he pretended might be useful to her in the
then excited state of the public mind on the subject of her husband's trea-
son. Still less does he disclose what his friends would not have ventured
to repeat, that on the way he basely made love to this afflicted lady,
thinking to take advantage of her just feelings of indignation towards
her husband and her helpless condition, to help him in his infamous de-
sign. Yet this is the fact if the family tradition is true. And being
indignantly repelled, he treasured up his revenge, and left a story
behind him worthy of his false and malignant heart, to blast this amiable
lady's fame, when there might be no one to disprove or deny it. ^ "

Besides, the conduct of Mrs. Arnold, on the discovery of
her husband's treason, is utterly inconsistent with guilt.
That a young woman of her years, still almost a child, should
have been capable of imposing upon "Washington and his
aids, is incredible. If guilty, when Arnold announced to
her his flight, all papers indicating guilt would have been
destroyed; and when "Washington gave her permission to
join her husband in 'New York, or go to her father in
Philadelphia, if conscious of guilt, what would she have
done? Guilt is ever fearful; it flies when none pursue.
If guilty, her punishment would have been death. In the
intense excitement then existing, neither her youth and
beauty, nor all her domestic virtues, could have saved her
from the fury of her enraged country. If conscious of
guilt, she would have seized the opportunity to have found
safety by the side of her husband, whom " she dearly
loved," within the British lines, in New York. Instead of
this, she fearlessly goes to Philadelphia, where Congress
was in session, and where an outraged people were clamor-
ing for a victim! Nothing but a consciousness of innocence
could have induced her to remain within the power of the
American government, when Washington off'ered her an

1. Shippen Papers.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 321

escort to her husband and a place of safety. It is incredible,
if she were guilty, that she would have voluntarily con-
fronted Congress at a moment of such exasperation, and
when the people were eager for a victim. No one who reads
her letters contained in this volume, will believe her capable
of acting the double part with which she has been charged.
On the contrary, if Arnold had disclosed his plans to her,
she would have been much more likely, prompted alike by
her love and her clear perception of right, to have tried to
save him from the commission of a fearful crime and a
terrible blunder.

AVhatever might have been Mrs. Arnold's final decision,
as to whether she should remain with her father and friends
in Philadelphia, or join her husband in l^ew York, the
choice was not left her by the Council of Pennsylvania.
On the 29th of October the Council of that State adopted
a resolution compelling her to leave the State, and forbid-
ding her return during the war.'

Mrs. Arnold followed her husband to 'New York, and
shared his fate in evil, as in good report. Her letters to
her father's family, full of respect and tenderness, bear
abundant testimony that whatever may have been her hus-
band's faults, he was ever a most devoted, faithful and affec-
tionate husband. In a letter to her father, dated July 13th,
1785, she says : " General Arnold's affection for me is un-
bounded; " and in another, she says, " he is the best of hus-

1. The following is a copy, from the minutes in Council :

Philadelphia, Friday, Oct. 27, 17S0.

" The Counsel, taking into consideration the case of Mrs. Margaret Arnold (the
wife of Benedict Arnold, an attainted traitor, with the enemy at New York), who.5e
residence in this city has become dangerous to the public safety; and this board
being desirous, as much as possible, to prevent any correspondence and intercourse
being carried on with persons of disaffected character in this State and the enemy
at New York, and especially with the said Benedict Arnold, therefore. Resolved,
That the said Margaret Arnold depart this State within fourteen days from the date
hereof, and that she do not return again during the continuance_of the present
war."

21

322 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

bands; " and all lier letters indicate that there never existed
a family more kind and affectionate, tender and unselfish
towards each other.

The sad tragedy of Andre, the romance of his life, and
early death, the treason of Arnold, closing in disgrace a
brilliant military career, and Mrs. Arnold's great beauty
and fascination, have all contributed to make the e^-ents I
have been describing among the most interesting in Ameri-
can history.

"Washington's action in ordering the execution of Andre,
was, in the excited feelings of that day, severeh^ criticised
and unqualifiedly denounced by the English, but his con-
duct has since been sanctioned by the deliberate judgment
of the candid and enlightened world. An exception to this
judgment is found in Lord Mahon's history of England, ^
in which he says :

"Unless I greatly deceive myself, the intelligent classes of his (Wash-
ton's) countrymen, will ere long join others in condemning the death-
warrant of Andre, certainly by far the greatest, perhaps the only, blot in
his noble career."

This declaration by an English historian so distinguished,
re-opened the question of Andre's execution, and of Wash-
ington's conduct, and brought again before the world the
question, "Was Andre a spy, and was his death in accord-
ance with the laws of war, as practiced and settled by the
civilized nations of the earth?"

There has never been any serious dispute about the facts
of the case.

Andre, at the instance of Arnold, came ashore and went
within the American lines, to further a treacherous con-
spiracy between the commander at West Point and Sir
Henry Clinton, for the surrender of that post to the Britisli
army. He came at midnight, under an assumed name,

1. Vol. VII. London, 1854,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 323

met Arnold in secret, and finding the objects of the inter-
view could not be concluded without longer time, went to
the house of Smith, and there concluded the corrnpt agree-
ment, received from Arnold the papers which it was sup-
posed would enable Clinton to take the post, and concealed
these papers in his boots. While Andre was concealed at
Smith's, an American officer, bringing his guns to bear
upon the Vulture, which had brought Andre ashore, com-
pelled her to move down the river, and rendered it difficult
and dangerous for him to go back to her, and compelled
him to return to JS'ew York with his concealed papers by
land. Disguised in clothes loaned him by Smith, with
Smith as a guide, and with Arnold's pass or safe conduct,
under an assumed name, in his pocket, he crossed the river
and proceeded towards New York, the pass of Arnold prov-
ing his sufficient protection until he arrived at a place
called Crompond, where he and his guide stayed all night.
At daylight Andre again started, accompanied by Smith-
and they passed on beyond the American lines into wdiat
was called the "IS'eutral Ground," between the two armies.
Smith them left him, and it was supposed all danger was
passed, when, as has been before described, Andre was
arrested, searched, the secret and treasonable papers found
upon him, and Paulding, one of his captors, exclaimed:
" My God, he is a spy!"

Was this true?

Washington convened a court, consisting of all the gen-
eral officers in the neighborhood, to investigate the case,
report the facts, and in what light Andre should be con-
sidered, and the punishment that ought to be inflicted. The
board reported the facts, their conclusion, that ''he ought to
be considered a spy from the enemy, and that agreeably to
the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he ought
to suffer death."

324 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

Washinf^ton considered tlie question carefully, heard
everything which Arnold, Clinton, Rohinson, and indeed
every one else, could offer in his behalf, but his judgment
concurring in the report of the court, he reluctantly but
firmly ordered his execution. Was this decision legal?

What is a spy? Yattel's definition is: "Spies are those
who introduce themselves among the enemy to discover the
condition of his afi'airs, penetrate his designs, and com-
municate them to his employers."

Professor Martin's summary of the Law of Nations, a
work commended by Chancellor Kent, gives this definition:
" Those who, under a false name and disguised character,
enter the camp of the enemy to serve as spies, and to empoison,
assassinate or corrujpt^ are punished with death;" and in
the foot-note is added, " See the instance of Major Andre." '

This principle has been adopted by the British Parlia-
ment in legislation. That body in 1749 enacted " that all
spies, and persons whatsoever who shall come, or be found
in the nature of spies, to bring any seducing letter, or
message from any enemy or rebel, or endeavor to corrujpt
any captain, officer or mariner "^ * to betray his trust, on
being convicted by a court-martial, shall suffer death, &c." "^
" Those seeking to surprise a town, and if they were in dis-
guise, or had employed treachery, would be treated as
spies." '

But Lord Mahon attempts to shield Andre from respon-
sibility, and argues that he ought not to have suffered the
penalty of a detected spy because he bore the pass of Gen-
eral Arnold.

Should the pass of Arnold, a co-conspirator, protect Andre?

What was the extent of the power of the commander of

1. The case of Major Andre, by Charles J. Biddle.

2. The case of Major Andre, by Charles J Biddle.

3. Vattel. Note to page 373— quoting Grotius' History of the disturbance in the
Netherlands,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. o2o

AYest Point? He could bind the authorities of the United
States only when acting in good faith, and within the scope
of the authority conferred upon him. "When he went out-
side of that, his acts were a legal nullity, especially when
acting in collusion with one wli.o knew that he was viola-
ting his trust, and who had fraudulently conspired with
him to betray his principal.

The idea that a conspirator's pass will protect a co-con-
spirator, is a position which is scarcely debatable. An
officer, when acting clearly beyond the scope of his author-
ity, does not bind his principal any more than an ordinary
agent. When an officer acts in collusion wnth the enemy,
to betray his trust, the act has no color of validity, legal or
moral, as against the principal who is to be injured.

'' The treacherous betrayal of his trust was beyond the
scope of Arnold's authority; it was known to be so by An-
dre, and a pass or agreement in furtherance of the conspir-
acy, would be absolutely void."

The pass was. given to Andre, to enable him to carry to
his commander. Sir Henry Clinton, papers and intelligence
which it was supposed would enable that officer to capture
West Point. That such a paper should be set up as a pro-
tection, is as absurd as it would have been for Clinton to have
called upon General Washington to surrender West Point,
because Arnold, while in command, had agreed to surren-
der it!

Again, the pass was a sham on the face of it. It was
given to John Anderson, not to Major Andre. It is per-
fectly well settled that a pass is not transferable, and a pass
to a man under a false or fictitious name, is void. " The per-
son named in the safe conduct cannot transfer his privilege
to another." *

Washington expresses with accuracy the condition of

1. Vattel, p. 416.

326 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

Andre, witli reference to tlie flag of trace, in his letter to
Clinton. " It is evident that Andre was employed in the ex-
ecution of measures verj^ foreign to the objects of a flag of
truce, and such as they were never meant to authorize or
countenance in the most remote degree; and this gentleman
confessed, with the greatest candor, in the course of his ex-
amination, "that it was impossible for him to suppose he
came under the sanction of a flag," Perhaps it may seem
harsh in this connection to say, a detected impostor has
never been and should never be permitted to claim the im-
munities of the sacred emblem he has abused. To use a
flag of truce under which to concert treachery and treason,
is certainly as great an abuse of that emblem of faith as
can be conceived. The sacred character of such flag — sacred
and resjDected among all nations — makes its prostitution
and abuse the more criminal. He who so abuses it can
hardly expect, nor did Andre claim, when detected, its im-
munity against punishment.

The opinion of Romilly, afterwards the great English
jurist and law-reformer, shows the fallacy of those who
sought to save Andre from responsibility as a spy. He
says:

" What do you think of Arnold's conduct? You m.iy well suppose he
does not want advocates here. I cannot join with them. The arguments
used by Clinton and Arnold, in their letters to Washington, to prove that
Andre could not be considered a sp3% are: First, that he had with him,
when he was taken, a protection of Arnold's, who was at that time act-
ing under a commission of the Congress, and therefore competent to
give protection. Certainly, he was, to all strangers to his negotiations
with CUnton, but not to Andre, who knew him to be at that time a
traitor to the Congress; nay more, whose protection was granted for no
other purpose but to promote and give effect to his treachery. In the
second place, they say that at the time he was taken he was upon neutral
ground; but then they do not deny that he had been within the Ameri-
can lines in disguise. . . . Panegyrics on the gallant Andre are un-
bounded; they call him the English Mutius, and talk of erecting monu-
ments to his memory. Certainly no man in his situation could have

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 327

acted with more determined courage, but his situation was by no means
such as to admit of these exaggerated praises." '

But, conceding Andre's guilt, and that by the laws of
war, he was liable to suifer death, might not Washington
have spared his life without prejudice to the cause of his
country?

In answering this question, we must remember that the
United States were then struggling for existence and recog-
nition as an independent nation, and that the result was yet
in doubt. To take human life for a violation of law is an act
of the highest sovereignty. Here was a conspicuous case : the
Adjutant-General of the British army, caught and con-
demned as a spy, with unmistakeable evidence of his guilt
upon his person. The drama was being enacted in the face
of the British, American and French armies, and with all
the world as observers. Had there been hesitation or va-
cillation, or failure on the part of Washington to exercise
in this clear case the high act of sovereignty, it would have
been attributed to a want of confidence in the success of his
cause; and it would have been ascribed to weakness, perhaps
to cowardice.

Lookers on might have said: "-Washington fears the
result of the war; he himself may be tried as a rebel, and
he dare not execute Andre because he fears that, in the
event of failure, it might add to his own personal danger!
It was tlierefore necessary that Andre should die. It
was felt by Washington to be necessary to show the world
that " no greater impunity would attend the acts of him
who, as a spy, sought the destruction of this young repub-
lic, than would have attended the act if committed against

1. Contributions to Am. Hist., Pa. Hist. Society, 1858, p. E8G, quoted from Life of
Sir Samuel Romilly, Vol. 1, 104.

For a full, able, and exhaustive discussion of this question, see " The Case of Ma-
jor Andre," by Charles J. Biddle, in Publications of Pa. Hist..Society, 1858.

328 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

the oldest and strongest government in the world." ' This
act of national sovereignty was executed with a dignity, a
humanity, yet with an inflexible firmness, that showed how
strong was the hand of "Washington at the helm.

1. The British had then lately hung as a spy a young American, Captain Nathan
Hale, an oflSccr as accomplished and engaging as Andre. Should the Royal army
exercise exclusively the right of executing spies? Would it not be just and expe-
dient for Washington to follow the example of the enemy ?

CHAPTEK XVIII.

ARNOLD VAINLY ATTEMPTS TO JUSTIFY HIS TREASON.

" I fought for much less than Great Britain is willing to grant."— ^rao^d the
Traitor.'''

Arnold In New York City— His Address to the American People— His Procla-
mation TO THE Officers and Soldiers of the American Army— Attempt to Kid-
nap Him— His Wife Joins Him in New York.

ISToTwiTHSTANDiNG the discoverj and consequent utter
fiiilure of the conspiracy between General Arnold and Sir
Henry Clinton, by the arrest of Andre, Arnold, always san-
guine in every enterprise he undertook, still entertained
hopes of the final success of the Eoyal cause, and felt confi-
dent that he could contribute largely to that success.

He lost no time in preparing and issuing an address " To
the Inhabitants of America," in which he undertook to ex-
plain and justify his conduct. This address, the original of
which, in the handwriting of General Arnold, furnished by
his grandson,'^ is now before me, and I insert it here in full,
on the principle that all persons, not excepting the worst
criminals, are entitled to be heard in their own defense be-
fore sentence is passed upon them:

1. "The American colonies shall have their Parliament, comp'^sedof two cham-
bers, all its memhers of American birth. Those of the Upper House, with titles,
similar to the House of Peers. All their laws, and particularly such as relate to
money matters, shall be the production of this Assembly, wiih the concurrence of
a Viceroy." — The Letter to Arnold attributed to Robinson.

2. Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold. I find no printed copy of this paper entirely
accurate.

(329)

330 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

"To THE Inhabitants of America.

*' I should forfeit even in my own Opinion, the place I have so long
held in yours, if I could be indifferent to your Approbation, and silent on
the Motives which have induced me to join the King's Arms.

" A very few words, however, shall suffice upon a Subject so personal,
for to the thousands who suffer under the tyranny of the Usurpers in the
revolted Provinces, as well as to the great multitude who have long wished
for its Subversion, this instance of my Conduct can want no Vindication,
as to that class of Men who are Criminally protracting the War from
Sinister Views, at the expense of the Public Interest, I prefer their
Enmity to their applause. I am only, therefore. Concerned in this ad-
dress to explain myself to such of my Countrymen as want Abilities or
Opportunities to detect the Artifices by which they are duped.

" Having fought by your side when the love of our Country animated
our Arms, I shall expect from your Justice and Candor, what your
deceivers, with more Art and less honesty, wiU find it inconsistent with
their own Views to admit.

" When I quitted Domestick happiness for the Perils of the Field, I
conceived the rights of my Country in Danger, and that Duty and Honor
called me to her Defence — a Redress of Grievances was my only Object
and aim; however, I acquiesced in a step which I thought precipitate
the Declaration of Independence; to Justify the measure many plausible
reasons were urged, which could no longer exist, when Great Britain
with the open arms of a Parent offered to embrace us as Children, and
g-rant the wished for redress.

" And now that her worst Enemies are in her own bosom, I should
change my Principles, If I conspired with their Designs. Yourselves be-
ing Judges, was the war the less Just, because Feliow Subjects were con-,
sidered as our Foes? You have felt the torture in which we raised our
arms against a Brother-^— God Incline the Guilty protractors of these un-
natural Dissentions, to resign their Ambition, and Cease from their De-
lusions, in Compassion to kindred blood.

"I anticipate your question: was not the War a defensive one until
the French Joined in the Combination? I answer, that I thought so.
You will add, was it not afterwards necessary till the Separation of the
British Empire was compleat? By no means; in Contending for the
Welfare of my Country, I am free to declare my Opinion, that this End
attained, all strife should have ceased.

"I lamented therefore the Impolicy, tyranny, and Injustice, which
with a Sovereign Contempt of the People of America, studiously neg-
lected to take their Collective Sentiments of the British proposals of
Peace, and to negotiate under a suspension of Arms, for an adjustment

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 331

of differences, as a dangerous Sacrifice of the great Interest of this
Country to the Partial Views of a Proud, Antient, and Crafty Foe. I
had my suspicions of some imperfections in Our Councils, on Proposals
prior to the Parliamentary Commission of 1778; but having then less to
do in the Cabinet than the Field (I will not pronounce peremptorily as
some may, and perhaps Justly, that Congress have veiled them from the
Publick Eye), I continued to be guided in the negligent Confidence of a
soldier. But the whole world saw, and all America confessed, the Over-
tures of the Second Commission exceeded our wishes and expectations.
If there was any Suspicion of the National liberality, it arose from its
excess.

" Do any believe we were at that time really entangled by an Alliance
with France? Unfortunate deception ! and thus they have been duped
by a virtuous Credulity, in the incautious moments of intemperate pas-
sion, to give up their fidelity to serve a Nation counting both the will and
the power to protect us, and aiming at the Destruction both of the Mother
Country and the Provinces. In the Plainess of Common Sense, for I pre-
tend to no Casuistry, did the pretended Treaty with the Court of Ver-
sailles amount to more than an Overture to America? Certainly not,
because no Authority had been given by the People to conclude it, nor to
this very hour have they authorized its ratification — the Articles of Con-
federation remain still unsigned.

"In the firm persuasion, therefore, that the private Judgment of any
Individual Citizen of this Country is as free from all Conventional Re-
straints since, as before the Insidious offers of France, I preferred those
from Great Britain, thinking it infinitely wiser and safer to cast my Confi-
dence upon her Justice and Generosity, than to trust a Monarchy too
feeble to establish your Independency, so Perilous to her distant Domin-
ions, the Enemy of the Protestant Faith, and fraudulently avowing an
affection for the liberties of mankind, while she holds her Native Sons
in Vassalage and Chains.

" I affect no disguise, and therefore Frankly declare that in these Prin-
ciples, I had determined to retain my arms and Command for an oppor-
tunity to surrender them to Great Britain, and in concerting the Measures
for a purpose, in my Opinion, as grateful as it would have been beneficial
to my Country; I was only solicitous to accomplish an event of decisive
Importance, and to prevent, as much as possible in the Execution of it,
the Effusion of blood.

" With the highest satisfaction I bear testimony to my old Fellow Sol-
diers and Citizens, that I find solid Ground to rely upon the Clemency of
our Sovereign, and abundant Conviction that it is the generous Intention
of Great Britain, not only to have the Rights and privileges of the Colo- .

332 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

nies unimpaired, together witli their perpetual exemption from taxation,
but to superadd such further benefits as may consist with the Common
prosperity of the Empire. In short, I fought for much less than the Pa-
rent Country is as willing to grant to her Colonies, as they can be to
receive or enjoy.

" Some may think I continued in the struggle of those unhappy days
too long, and others that I quitted it too soon. To the first I reply, that
I did not see with their Eyes, nor perhaps had so favorable a situation to
look from, and that to one Common Master I am willing to stand or fall.
In behalf of the Candid among the latter, some of whom I believe serve
blindly but honestly in the Ranks I have left, I pray God to give them all
the lights requisite to their Own Safety before it is too late; and with res-
pect to that kind of Censurers whose Enmity to me Originates in their
hatred to the Principles, by which I am now led to devote my life to the
Reunion of the British Empire, as the best and only means to dry up the
streams of misery that have deluged this country, they may be assured
that. Conscious of the Rectitude of my Intentions, I shall treat their
Malice and Calumnies with Contempt and neglect.

"B. Aknold.

"New York, Oct. 7th, 1780."

A few days thereafter he issued a proclamation " To the
officers and soldiers of the Continental Army who have the
real interests of their Country at heart and who are deter-
mined to be no long jr the dupes of Congress or of France." '

1. The following is the Proclamation in full, copied from the original draft
among the Force papers, in the Congressional Library at Washington:
"By
"Brigadier General Arnold.
" A Peoclamation.

"To the Ofacers and Soldiers of the Continental Armywho have the real Interest
of their Country at Heart, and who are determined to be no longer the Tools and
Dupes of Congress, or of France.

" Having Reason to believe that the Principle? I have avowed, in my Address to
y« Public of the 7th instant, animated y« greatest part of this Continent,! rejoice in
the Opportunity I have of inviting you to join his Majesty's Arms.

•'His Excellency, Sir Henry Clinton, has authorized me to raise a Corps of Cavalry
and Infantry, who are to be clothed, subsisted and paid as the other Corps are in
the british Service, and those who bring in Horses, Arms, or Accoutrements, are to
be paid their value, or have liberty to sell them. To every non-Commissioned
Officer and Private a Bounty of three Guineas will be given, and as the Com-
mander-in-Chief is pleased to allow me to nominate the officers, I shall with infinite
Satisfaction embrace this Opportunity of advancing men whose valor I have wit-
nessed, and whose Principles are favorable to an union with Britain and true
American Liberty.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 333

He announces to liis former fellow-soldiers that Sir Henry
Clinton had authorized him to raise a corps of cavalry and
infantry, and he then goes on to state the inducements of-
fered to those who will join him. He says:

" As the Commander-in-Chief is pleased to allow me to nominate the
Officers, T shall with infinite satisfaction embrace this opportunity of ad-
vancing men whose valor I have witnessed, and whose principles are
favorable to an union with Britain and true American liberty."

After alluding to the liberal pay and other inducements

" The Rank they obtain in the King's service will bear a Proportion to their former
Rank and ye Number of Men they bring with tliem.

"It is expected that a Lieutenant Colonel of Cavalry will bring with him or re-
cruit in a reasonable time— "75 men. Major of Horse, 50 Men ; Lieut. Col. of Infant-
ry, 75 Men; Captain of Horse, 30 Men ; Major of Infantry, 50 Men ; Lieut, of Horse,
15 Men ; Captain of Infantry, SO Men; Cornet of Horse, 12 Men; Lieutenant of In-
fantry, 15 Men; Sergeant of Horse 6 Men ; Ensign of Infantry, 12 Men ; Sergeant of
Infantry, 6 Men.

"N. B. Each Field Officer will have a Company. Great as this Encouragement
must appear to such as have suffered every Distress, of Want, of Pain, Hunger and
Kakedness.from the Neglect, Contempt and Corruption of Congress, they are noth-
ing to the Motives which I expect will iniiuence the brave and generous Minds I
hope to have the Honor to command, and I wish to have a Chosen Band of Ameri-
cans to ye Attainment of Peace, Liberty, and Safety (that first object in taking the
Field) and with them to share in the glory of rescuing our native Country from the
grasping Hand of France as well as from the ambitious and interested Views of a
desperate Party amonsf ourstlves, who, in listening to French Overtures, and
rejecting those from Great Britain, have brought ye Colonies to ye very Brink of
Destruction.

"Friends, fellow Soldiers, and Citizens, arouse and judge for yourselves— reflect
on what you have lost— consider to what you are reduced, and by your Courage
repel the Ruin that still threatens you.

" Your Country once was happy, and had the proffered Peace been embraced, your
last two years of Misery had been spent in Peace and Plenty, and repairing the
Desolations of a Quarrel that would have set ye Interest of Great Britain and
America in its true Light, and cemented their Friendship ; whereas, you are now
the Prey of Avarice, the scorn of your Enemies, and ye Pity of your Friends.

"You were promised Liberty by ye Leaders of your affairs, but is there an indi-
vidual in ye Enjoyment of it, saving your Oppressors? Who among you dare speak
or write what he thinks, against the Tyranny which has robbed you of your Prop-
erty, imprisons your Persons, drags you to ye Field of Battle, and Is daily deluging
your Country with your Blood.

" You were flattered with Independence as preferable to a Redress of Grievances,
and for that Shadow, instead of real Felicity, are sunk into all ye Wretchedness of
Poverty by the Rapacity of j-our own Rulers. Already are you disqualified to sup-
port ye Pride of Character they taught you to aim at, and must inevitably shortly
belong to one or other of the great Powers, their folly and wickedness have drawn

334 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

offered ''to such as have suffered every distress of want,
pain, hunger and nakedness, from tlie neglect and cor-
ruption of Congress," he says, speaking of these considera-
tions:

" They are nothing to the motives which I expect will influence the
brave and generous minds I hope to have the honor to Command. I
wish to have a chosen band of Americans to ye attainment of peace, lib-
erty and safety, that first object in taking y« field, and vdth them to
share in the glory of rescuing our native Country from the grasping
hand of France, as well as from the ambitious and interested Views of a
desperate party among ourselves, who in listening to French Overtures,
and rejecting those from Great Britain, have brought ye Colonies to the
very brink of destruction. I, therefore, only add my promise of the most
affectionate welcome and attention to all who are disposed to join me, in
the measures necessary to close the scene of our afflictions. With ye res-
toration of our ancient priviledges, civil and sacred, and a perpetual
exemption from all taxes but such as we shall see fit to impose upon our-
selves."

into Conflict. Happy for you that yon may still become the fellow subjects of Great
Britain, if you nobly disdain to be Vasals of France.

" What is America but aLandof Widows, Beggars, and Orphans?— and should the
Parent Nation cease her Exertion to deliver you. what security remains to you for
the enjoyment of ye Consolations of that Religion for which your Fathers braved
the Ocean, ye Heathen, and ye Wildernefs? Do yon kno%v that the Eye which
guides this pen lately saw your mean and profligate Congress at Mass for the soul
of a Roman Catholic in purgatory, and pnrticipating in the rights of a Church
against whofe Anti-christian (orruptions your pious Ancestors would have wit-
nessed with their Blood.

" As to yoti who have been Soldiers in the Ccnfrcntal Army, canyon atthisDay
want Evidence that the Funds of your Country are exhausted, or that the Managers
have applyed them to their own private Uses? In either case you surely can con-
tinue no longer in their Service with Honor or Advantage ; yet you have hitherto
been their Supporters of that Cruelty, which, with an equal Indifference to your, as
well as to the Labor and Blood of others, is devouring a Country, which ye moment
you quit their Colours, will be redeemed from their Tyranny.

"But what Need of Arguments to such as feel infinitely more Misery than Lan-
guage can express? I therefore only add my Promise of ye most affectionate Wel-
come and Attention to all who are disposed to joyn me in the Measures necessary
to close the scene of our afflictions, whicli intolerable as they are, must continue to
increase untitl We have the Wisdom (shewn of late by Ireland) in being contented
with ye Liberality of the Parent Country, who still offers her Protection, with ye
immediate Restoration of our ancient Privileges, civil and Sacred, and a perpetual
Exemption from all Taxes, but such as we shall think fit to impose on ourselves.

"B. Arnold.

" New York, October 20, 1780,"

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. obo

Sncli was Arnold's anxious bnt disingeniions defense, and
such his impassioned appeal to his late fellow soldiers to
join him.

"I fought for much less," says he, "than the Parent
Country is willing- to grant."

Most of his countrymen read his address with scorn and
derision, and all that can be said now, when prejudice and
feeling are beginning to pass away, and when candid men
are disposed by his wrongs and his heroism to consider fa-
vorably every circumstance, the most they can say is, that
while his conduct was in the highest degree culpable, and
his guilt clear, yet giving him the benefit of a doubt, it is
possible that, led astray by his wrongs and his passions, he
may at times have tried to deceive himself into the belief
that he was justifiable.

His efforts to induce the soldiers of the Continental army
to desert, met with no considerable success. However severe
their suft'erings, and however hard their treatment, no con-
sideration could induce them to desert their flag. There
were indeed a considerable number of loyal Americans, to-
ries and refugees, and from these Arnold succeeded in
organizing his corps. The American reader of Sabine's
Loyalists is often surprised by his representations of the
number and respectability of those who adhered to the
Crown.'

Lord George Germain, the British minister for the Colo-
nies, wrote to Arnold, confiiming the rank of brigadier-
general, conferred upon him by Sir Henry Clinton, and giv-

1. Sabine says, Vol. I, p. 48: " The examinntion * * * leads to the conclusion
that the number of our t:ountrymen who wished to continue their connection with
the mother country was very large." The Loyalists in netirly every colony claimed
a majority, but that they w^ere mistaken, he thinks, is certain. A considerable portion
of the learned professions adhered to the crow-n. He estimates that the number
of Loyalists who took up arms for the King, "were 25,000 at the lowest computa-
tion." (Sabine Vol. I, p. 70 ) This estimate surprises me, and is far more than I had
supposed, but Sabine's judgment on the subject is entitled to great respect.

336 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

ing the sanction of the government to the authority which
had been conferred npon liira to raise a corps of loyal Amer-
icans. He also said:

" His Majesty was graciously pleased to express his satisfaction in
the demonstration you have given of the sincerity of your allegiance,
and of your earnest desire to atone for past errors, by a zealous attach-
ment to his royal person and government in future."

Meanwhile, such was the indignation towards Arnold in
the American army and among the people, that rewards
were offered for his capture, and a project was devised to
kidnap and bring him within the American lines for exe-
cution. On the 16th of October, Major Lee wrote to
Washington saying: " I have engaged two persons to
undertake the accomplishment of your Excellency's
wishes " *

"The outlines of the scheme which I have recommended,
are, that the sergeant (Champe) should join General Arnold
as a deserter from ns, should engage in his corps now raising;
should contrive to insinuate himself into some menial or
military birth about the General's person; that a corres-
pondence should be kept up with the man in Newark
(a confederate), by the latter's visiting the former every two
days, and that when the favorable moment arrives, they
should seize the prize in the night, gag him, and bring him
across to Bergen Woods.

" If your Excellency approves, the sergeant will desert to-
morrow— a few guineas will be necessary, &c." ^

To which Washington replied, approving the scheme,
and furnishing the guineas, with the express stipulation that
Arnold should be brought to him alive.

" No cii'cumstance whatever shall obtain my consent to his being put
to death. The idea that would accompany such an act would be that ruffi-

1. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 545.

2. Lee to Washington. Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. VII, p. 516.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. Oo7

ans had been hired to assassinate him. My aim is to make a public exam-
ple of him." '

On the 21st of October, tlie sergeant, Jolm Cliampe, de-
serted Lee's command, reached the British lines, treacher-
ously enlisted into the corps Arnold was raising. He had the
cunning and address to " insinuate himself" into a berth or
employment about that officer's person, and every arrange-
ment was made to kidnap Arnold at night, in a garden in
the rear of the house he occupied, to gag him, carry him to
a boat, and across the Hudson, and deliver him to Lee to
be made "a public example of," Lee, on the night ap-
pointed, repaired witli three of his dragoons, and led horses
to the woods of Hoboken, in 'New Jersey, opposite New
York, and waited some hours to receive the captive.

But on the night in which the conspiracy was to be exe-
cuted, Arnold removed his quarters, and the project failed.

Had Arnold been captured in battle his execution would
liave been summary and prompt, and by his own treacher-

1. The following is the text of Washington's letter— (Writings of Washington,
Vol. VII, 51G-7) :

" Head Qt.tartf.es, 20 October, 17S0.

" Dear Sir:— The plan proposed for taking A , the outlines of which are com-
municated in your letter, which was this moment put into my hands without a
date, has every mark of a -good one. I therefore agree to the promised rewards,
and have such entire confidence in your management of the business, us to give it
my fullest approbation; and leave the whole to the guidance of your own judg-
ment, with this express stimulation and pointed injunction, that he (Ar— d) is
brought to me alive. No circumstance whatever shall obtain my consent to his being
put to death. The idea Avhich would accompany such an event would be that
ruffians had been hired to assassinate him. My aim is to make a public example
of him ; tC- this should be stiongly impressed upon those who are employed to bring
him off. The sergeant must be very circumspect; too much zeal may create sus-
picion, and too much precipitancy may defeat the project. The most inviolable
!-ccreey must be observed on all hands. I send you five guineas, but I am not sat-
isfied of the propriety of the Sergeant's appearing with much specie. This circum.-
stance may also lead to suspicion, as it is but too well known to the enemy, that
we do not abound in this article. The interviews between the party in & out of the
city should be managed with much caution & seeming indifference or else the fre-
quency of their meetings may betray the design and involve bad consequences;
but I am persuaded you will place every matter in a proper point of view to the
conductors of this interesting business, and therefore I shall only add that

" I am, dear Sir, &c."
22

338 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

ous conduct at West Point he was estopped from complain-
ing of any falsehood or treachery practiced npon him. Bnt
would it not liave been more in accordance with our highest
ideal of "Washington — an ideal of almost immaculate nobil-
ity and excellence — if this kidnapping and gagging busi-
ness, a scheme to be accomplished by treachery and breach
of trust, had been left entirely to the provost-marshal?'

In Washington's instructions to LaFayette, when the lat-
ter was sent to Yirginia to act against Arnold, he was told,
"You are to do no act whatever with Arnold that directly
or by implication may screen him from the punishment
due to his treason and desertion, which if he should fall into
your hands, you will execute in the most summary way." ^

On the 27th of October, as before stated, the authorities
of Pennsylvania passed a resolution requiring Mrs. Arnold
to leave that State within fourteen days, and forbidding her
return during the war, and soon after she joined her hus-
band in Mie city of ISTew York. She would have remained
longer with her father and friends in Philadelphia but for
this resolution.

Judging from the tone and character of all her letters,

1. Perhaps from an American stand-point, even this criticism may be thought
over-nice. Arnold was, to the army he had deserted, an outlaw ; and a sanction of
the proposed abduction of higlier authority than that of Sir Walter Scott might be
found, when he saj-s :

" The beast of game,
The privilege of chase may claim.

Though space, and law the stag we lend,

E'er hound we slip, or bow we bend.

Who ever recked, where, how, or when

The prowling fox was trapped or slain?"
But Arnold, however execrable his conduct at West Point, had not acted like the
" prowling Fox " at Ttidgcfield or at Saratoga. Arnold's conduct would justify the
most summary punishment from his comrades, had he been captured. But the
question is, whether we would not rather have given him " the privilege of chase :"
and if he was to be treacherously kidnapped, whether we would nt rather the
plan should have been devised and executed by the Provost Marshal?

2. Washington to LaFayette, Feb. 20th, 17S1. ' Writings of Washington,' Vol.
VII, p. 419.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON". 339

and her devoted affection for General Arnold, I do not
doubt that she would have joined him at an earl}^ period
without sucli resolution. She was not one to abandon a
friend or relation, much less a hnsbandin misfortune, even
although that misfortune was the result of guilt,

Hamilton, writing to Miss Schuyler, speaking of Mrs.
Arnold, says: "Her horror at the guilt of the traitor is lost
in her love of the man." Indeed, it is clear from her con-
duct, and her letters to her father, hereafter to be quoted,
that her husband never ceased to be the hero of her young
imagination. On her way to ISTew York, as well as in Phila-
delphia, she had abundant and painful evidence of the pop-
ular indignation against him. The populace of Philadelphia
had burned his effigy with every possible indignity, and on
her journey to 'New York with her young child, night over-
took her, and she stopped at a village where preparations had
been made to rei^eat the indignity, but when she appeared
with her infant, her sad face, her sorrowful air, her gentle-
ness, her beauty, so touched the hearts of the people, that
with a delicacy and consideration honorable to the American
character, they postponed the exhibition until after her de-
parture. On her arrival in New York she was welcomed by
many old friends among the British officers and their fami-
lies, who had been the guests of her father in Philadelphia
while that city was held by the Eoyal army, yet her sadness
and melancholy was the subject of remark and sympathy.
Gradually, however, in the,society of her husband, and the
company of her child, and the kind and affectionate atten-
tions of her friends, she recovered her spirits, and her beauty
and her grace made her there, as she liad been in her native
town, the favorite among the best and most cultured circles
of that city.

Arnold's explanation of his conduct and motives, as ex-
pressed in his address to his countrymen and proclamation

340 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

to tlie soldiers of the army in which he had lately served,
while they were received and read, as has been stated, with
indignation and scorn by the American people and his old
comrades, was generally accepted as satisfactory by the Brit-
ish officers, and by the large number of loyalists then con-
gregated in the city of New York. They looked upon the
act as a return to his allegiance.

To understand this, one must go back and try to realize
the views of the officers and adherents of the Crown.

The Colonies took up arms to obtain a redress of griev-
ances, disavowing at first, with indignation, that their pur-
pose was separation and independence.

Even John Adams said, after the war was over, " there
was not a moment during the Revolution when I would not
have given everything I possessed for a restoration to the
state of things before the contest began, provided we could
have had a sufficient security for its continuation." ' The
leaders of the Eevolution have been canonized, and they
merited all the honors they have received, for they were
among the noblest patriots that ever lived, but like other
men they were mortal and subject to like frailties. The
American Loyalists were not all of them deserving of dam-
nation. The student of history will find some names of
men of high personal character and of culture; and many
who, but for political differences, would have been consid-
ered ornaments to any State. Such were some of the Went-
worths of New Hampshire; the Fairfaxes and Robinsons
of Yirginia; Dana and Coffin and Prescott, of Massachu-
setts; Ogden and Governor Franklin, of New Jersey (son
of Dr. Franklin); The Crngars, some of the DeLancys, and
DePeysters, Yan Schaacks, Clintons and Jaj^s, of New York;
and it was among men of this class that Arnold was now
thrown, some of whom were much more likely to condemn

1. Sabine's Loyalists, Vol. I, p. 64.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASOX. 341

him for his delay in joining the British army than for join-
ing it when iie did. Still few, if any, honorable British
soldier or upright loyalist could, even from their stand-
point, justify his desertion, and especially the manner of
his change from the American to the British side.

It is not impossible, had the conspiracy been successful,
that independence might have been postponed. In the
light of to-day, and with the wonderful advance, and the
brilliant record our country has made, all will rejoice in the
failure of the conspiracy ; and all can realize how greatly our
country has been benefited by the success of the Kevolu-
tion: — as colonies that advance would have been greatly re-
tarded.

Had Great Britain succeeded in re-establishing her su-
premacy, taught by experience, she probably would have
been wisely moderate, and permitted to the Colonies sub-
stantial self-government. The men of culture and wealth,
the men of the learned professions, who, Sabine says, to a
considerable extent adhered to the Crown, uniting w^ith the
more conservative part of the revolutionary party, of whom
Washington, Hamilton, Jay, and many of the old Federal
party were representatives, as against those represented by
Thomas Paine and Jefferson, and the more radical and ex-
treme democrats, might for a time at least have influenced,
probably controlled, affairs, and the blessings and evils of
extreme democracy and universal suffrage might have been
delayed.

It is not impossible that institutions modeled more upon
the views of Hamilton might have been finally adopted.

The first century of our existence as a nation, in the hap-
piness and prosperity of the people, will compare favorably
with that of any other, and thus far we have good reason to
be well satisfied with our institutions, and profoundly grate-
ful to those who achieved our independence and established
our national o-overnment.

CHAPTER XIX.

ARNOLD LEADS BRITISH SOLDIERS AGAINST HIS NATIVE
COUNTRY.

" He felt how faint and feebly dim

The fame that could accrue to him

Who cheered the band and waved the sword—

A Traitor in a lurbaned horde."

Arnold Leads an Expedition against Virginia and Connecticut— Massacre
AT Fort Geiswold— Arnold's Narrow Escape from Death by the Hands op
a Woman at New London.

"When General Arnold accepted tlie commission of Kins^
George in 1780, he was tliirtj-nine and his wife twentj-one
years of age.

He had four sons then living. Benedict about twelve,
Kichard about eleven, and Henry, eight years of age — child-
ren by his first wife, and an infant, Edward Shippen, by his
second wife.

Two months after his arrival in I^ew York, restless and
eager to take the field, he sought and obtained the command
of an expedition composed of about 1,600 men, against Yir-
ginia. He sailed from Xew York about the 20th of Decem-
ber, 1780. A violent gale separated the fleet on which the
troops were embarked, but the scattered vessels gathered
near the Capes of the Chesapeake, and on the 30th of Decem-
ber, he, w^ith the fleet, entered Hampton Eoads, except one
armed shij) and three transports, with upwards of four hun-
(342)

I

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 343

dred troops, which did not arrive until several days after.
Without waiting for the arrival of the missing transports,
with his nsnal activity, Arnold pushed up the James Kiver,
and on the 3d of January he anchored near Jamestown,
and the next day proceeded to "Westover, where he landed,
and with about eight hundred troops marched into Rich-
mond, destroying all public property, and all such private
property as might be useful in carrying on the war; mak
inghis headquarters at the old City Tavern on Main street.
Before setting fire to the warehouses, he sent a proposition
to Jefferson, Governor of the State, offering to spare the
town and warehouses on condition the British sliips should
be permitted to come up unmolested and carry away the
tobacco and stores. The Governor promptly rejected the
proposition, and the torch was applied, and it is said there
never was such a smell of tobacco in Richmond, before nor
since, down to the time of the burning of that city in 1865,
on its evacuation by Jefferson Davis.

This accomplished, and the foundries and magazines at
Westham having been also destroyed, he retired down the
river, landed, and marched to Portsmouth, where he threw
up entrenchments for his winter camp/

During tlie winter, Washington, in conjunction with the
French, sent a powerful force under LaFayette to attempt
his capture, and very strong hopes were entertained by the
American commander that he would succeed in seizing him
before reinforcements could arrive from New York. On
the 26tli of Mai'ch he was strengthened by the arriv^al of
General Phillips with additional troops, and General Phillips
out-ranking him, took command. The following is the
report of General Arnold to Sir Ilenry Clinton, giving the
detail of his further operations in Virginia:

1. Expedition of LaFayette against Arnold, by J. Austin Stephens.

344 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

' " Peteesburgh, May 16, 178L

"I am extremely sorry to inform your Excailency tliat Major-Geneval
Phillips is reduced so low by a fever, which seized him on the 2nd instant,
that he is incapable of business, and the physicians are not without fears
for his safely. In this situation I think it my duty to transmit to your
Excellency, by express, a detail of the proceedinfrs of the army under the
Orders of Major-General Phillips since they left Portsmouth (which his
indisposition prevented him from doing as he intended).

"On the ISth of April the light infantry, part of the 76th and 80th reg-i-
ments, the Queen's Rangers, Yagers, and American Legion, embarked at
Portsmouth, and fell down to Hampton Roads; on the 19th pro-
ceeded up James River to Burwell's Ferry; on the 20th Lieut.
Col. Abercrombie with the light infantry, proceeded up the Chick-
ahominy in boats ; Lieut. Col. Simcoe, with a detachment to York; Lieut.
Col. Dundas, with another detachment landed at the mouth of the Chick-
ahominy ; and Major-General Phillips and my.-elf landed with part of the
army at William sburgh, where about 500 militia were posted, who re-
tired upon our approach. The militia at York crossed the river before
the arrival of Lieut. Col. Simcoe, who made a few prisoners, spiked and
desb'oyed some cannon, and next day returned to Wilhamsburgh.

" On the 22nd the troops marched to Chickahominy. We were met on the
road, five miles from the mouth of the river, by Lieut. Col. Dundas, with
his detachment. This evening the troops, cavalry, artillery, &c., were
reimbarked. The next morning we were joined by Lieut. Col. Aber-
crombie, with the light infantry, who had been ten or twelve miles up the
Chickahominy, and destroyed several armed ships, the State ship yards,
warehouses, &c.

" At ten o'clock the fleet weighed, and proceeded up the James river,
within four miles of Westover.

"The 24th, weighed anchor at eleven, and ran up to City Point, where
the troops, &c., were all landed at six in the evening.

"The 25th, marched at ten o'clock for Petersburgh, where we arrived
about five p. M. We were opposed about one mile from town by a body
of militia under the orders of Brigadier General Muhlenberg, supposed to
be about one thousand men, who were soon obliged to retire over the
bridge with the loss of near one hundred men killed and wounded, as we
have since been informed : our loss only one man killed and ten
wounded. The enemy took up the bridge, which prevented our pursu-
ing them.

" 26th. Destroyed at Petersburgh four thousand hogsheads of tobacco,

1. Extract of Brigadier General Arnold's letter to Sir Henry Clinton, copied
from The London Chronicle, June 23, 26, 1781; Vol. XLIX, p. COl.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 345

one ship and a number of small vessels on the stocks and in the rivei*.

"27th. Major General Phillips, with the light infantry, part of the
cavalry of the Queen's Rangers, and a part of the Yagers, marched to
Chesterfield Court House, where they burnt a range of barracks for two
thousand men, and three hundred barrels of floui*, <fec.

"The same day I marched to Osborn's with the 76th and 80th regi-
ments, Queen's Rangers, part of the Yagers, and American Legion,
where we arrived about noon. Finding the enemy had a very considera-
ble force of ships four miles above Osborn's, drawn up in a line to oppose
us, I sent a flag to the Commodore, proposing to treat with him for the
surrender of his fleet, which he refused, with this answer, "that he was
determined to defend it to the last extremity." I immediately ordered
down two six and two three-pounders, brass field pieces, to a bank of the
river, nearly level with the water, and within one hundred yards of the
Tempest, a twenty gun State ship, which began immediately to fire upon
us, as did the Renown, of twenty-six guns, the Jefterson, a State brigan-
tine of fourteen guns, and several other armed ships and brigantines.
About two or three hundred militia on the opposite shore, at the some
time kept up a heavy fire of musquetry upon us: notwithstanding which,
the fire of the artillerj', under the direction of Captain Fage and Lieut.
Rogers, took such eff"ect, that the ships were soon obliged to strike their
colours, and the militia drove from the opposite shore. Want of boats,
and the wind blowing hard, prevented cur capturing many of the sea-
men, who took to- their boats, and escaped on shore; but not without first
scuttling and setting fire to some of their ships, which could not be
saved.

"Two ships, three brigantines, five sloops, and two schooners, loaded
with tobacco, cordiige, flour, &c., fell into our hands.

" Four ships, five brigantines, and a number of small vessels were sunk
and burnt. On board the whole fleet (none of which escaped) were ta-
ken and destroyed about two thousand hogsheads of tobacco, &c., &c., &c. ,
and veiy fortunately we had not a man killed or wounded this day: but
have reason to believe the enemy suffered considerably. About five
o'clock P. M. we were joined by Major-General Phillips, with the light
infan ly.

"28th. The troops remained at Osborn's, waiting for boats from the
fleet; part of them were employed in securing the prizes, and carrying
them to Osborn's as a place of safety.

" 29th. The boats having arrived, the troops were put in motion. Ma-
jor-General Phillips marched with the main body; at the same time I
proceeded up the river with a detachment in boats, and met him between
( ary's Mills and Warwick.

346 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

" 30tli. The troops marched to Manchester, and destroyed twelve hun-
dred hogsheads of tobacco. The Marquis de La Fayette having' arrived
with his army at Richmond, opposite to Manchester, the day before, and
being joined by the militia, driven from Petersburg!! and Williamsburgh,
they were spectators of the conflagration, without attempting to molest us.
The same evening we returned to Warwick, where we destroyed a maga-
zine of 500 barrels of flour, and Colonel Gary's fine mills were destroyed
in burning the magazine of flour. "We also burnt several warehouses,
with one hundred and fifty hogsheads cf tobacco, a large ship and abrig-
antine afloat, and three vessels on the stocks, a large range of public rope-
walks and store houses, and some tan and bark houses full of hides and
bark.

" May 1st. Marched to Osborn's and despatched ourjprizes and boats
down the river; and in the evening marched to Bermuda Hundreds, op-
posite City Point.

" May 2nd. Embarked the troops, &c., &c.

" May 3rd. Fell down the river to Westover.

" May 4th. Proceeded down to Tappahannock.

"oth and 6th. Part of the fleet fell down to Hog Island.

" 7th. Major-General Phillips having received a letter from Lord Com-
wallis, orders were given for the fleet to return up the river again. "We
arrived at Brandon about 5 o'clock, and most of the troops, cavalry, &c.,
were landed this evening, though it blew a gale of wind.

" May 8th. Remained at Brandon; Major-General Phillips being very
ill, and unable to travel on horseback, a post chaise was procured for
him.

" May 9th. The light infantry and part of th(; Queen's Rangers, in
boats, were ordered, with the Formidable and Spitfire, to proceed to City
Point, and land there. Tlie rest of the Army was put in motion for Pe-
tersburgh, where they arrived late in the night, having marched near
thirty miles this day.

" On our leaving Bermuda Hundreds, and going down the river, the
Marquis de LaFayette with his army moved towards "Williamsburgh,
and by forced marches had crossed the Chickahominy at Long Bridge,
when our fleet returned to Brandon; which retrograde motion of ours
occasioned him to return as rapidly by forced marches to Osborn's, where
he arrived the 8th, and was preparing to ci'oss the river to Petersburg,
when we arrived there, which was so unexpected, that we surprised and
took two Majors (one of them Aid-de-Camp to Baron Steuben, the other
to General Smallwood), one Captain, and three lieutenants of dragoons;
two lieutenants of foot; a commissary and a surgeon; som3 of these gen-
tlemen arrived only two hours before us, with an intention of collecting
the boats for the Marquis to cross his Army.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 347

" On the 10th the Marquis made his appearance on the opposite side of
the river with a strong- escort, and having staid some time to reconnoitre
our army, returned to his camp at Osborn's, and v?eare tliis day informed
he is marched to Richmond, where it is said Wayne with the Pennsylva-
nia line has an-ived; this is, however, uncertain; but he is certainly ex-
pected there.

" An express passed through this place the day before our arrival here,
who left Halifax on the 7th, and informed that the advance of Lord Corn-
wallis's army arrived there that morning; this report we have from sev-
eral quarters, and I am inclined to believe it is true. Several expresses
have been sent to his Lordship, informing him of our being- here ready to
co-operate with his Lordship. We are in anxious expectation of having
particular intelligence from him every minute.

" As soon as it is reduced to a certainty that Lord Cornwallis has crossed
the Roanoke, and is on his march for this place, the army will advance
one or two days' march from hence to meet his Lordship, and carry a sup-
ply of provisions for his army.

" A considerablenumber of magazines of flour and bread have fallen into
our hands near this place, and the country abounds with cattle.

"Major-General Phillips is so weak and low that it will be some consid-
erable time before he can go through the fatigue of business. In this
critical situation I am happy to have the assistance of so many good and
experienced oflBcers with me commanding corps. If joined by Cornwal-
lis, or the reinforcement said to be coming from New York, we shall be
In force to operate as we please in Virginia or Maryland.

" I have the honor to be, &c.,
"(Signed,) B.Arnold."

General Phillips was one of the officers captured with
Burgoyne at Saratoga, and died very soon after tJie date of
Arnold's report.

It was during this expedition that General Arnold
inquired of a captain of the patriot army wlio had been
taken prisoner: "What would be my fate, if /should be
taken prisoner? "

"They will cut off," replied the captain, " that shortened
leg of yours wounded at Quebec and at Saratoga, and bury
it with all the honors of war, and then hang the rest of you
on a gibbet."

While in Virginia Governor Jefferson offered a reward

348 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

of 5,000 guineas to any one wlio would capture Arnold.
In June, 1781, he returned to the city of 'New York, where
Mrs. Arnold liad remained during his absence, and where,
on the 27th of August, she gave birth to their second son,
named James Eobertson, and who lived to attain the rank
of Lieutenant-General in the British army, and to serve as
military aid of the King. Arnold's return to I^ew York
removed him from the impending conflict between Wash-
ington and Cornwallis.

Ear]}^ in September, notwithstanding the delicate condi-
tion of his wife, among strangers and with an infant but a
few days old, he was compelled to leave her, and lead an
expedition against his native State. At Xew London, in
Connecticut, was deposited a large quantity of public stores,
feebly defended by Forts Trumbull and Griswold. Arnold
was selected to command because of his familiarity with the
localities, but it was a severe trial of his fidelity to his new
friends, to send him at such a time at the head of this expe-
dition. The massacre, so-called, at Fort Griswold, was one
of the most tragic incidents of the war, and is a sad chapter
of this gloomy period in Arnold's history.

To what extent he was responsible for the burning of the
town, and the destruction of life in the Fort, is a contro-
verted question. That he did not prevent these acts is at
least clear, and he certainly ought, if possible, to have taken
such measures as would have prevented them.

I give his own report, and the testimony in his favor of
the British Commander, and then the statement of the trans-
action by General Heath, of the American army. '

" Sound, off Plumb Islakd, Sept. 3, 1781.
" Sir: I have the honor to inform your Excellency that the transports with
the detachment of troops mider my orders, anchored on the Long- Island
shore, on the 5th instant, at two o'clock P. M., about ten leagues from

1. Copy of a letter from Brigadier General Arnold to his Excellency, the Com-
mander in-Chief, extracted from ' The London Chronicle,' Nov- 3-C, 1781, p. 4o7.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 349

New London; anct having made some necessary arrangements, weighed
anchor at 7 o'clock P. M., and stood for New London with a fair wind.
At one o'clock the next morning, we arrived off the harbour, when the
wind suddenly shifted to the northward, and it was nine o'clock before
the transports could beat in. At ten o'clock, the troops in two divisions,
and in four debarkations, were landed: one on each side the harbour,
about three miles irom New London; that on the Groton side, consisting
of the 40th and 54th regiments, and the 3rd battalion of New Jersey
Volunteers, with a detachment of Yagers and artillery, were under the
command of Lieut. Col. Eyre. The division on the New London side
consisted of the 38th regiment, the Loyal Americcans, the American
Legion, Refugees, and a detachment of sixty Yagex-s, who were immedi-
ately on landing .put in motion: and at eleven o'clock, being within half
a mile of Fort Trumbull, which commands New London harbour, I de-
tached Captain Millet with four companies of the 38th regiment to attack
the fort, who was joined on his march by Captain Frink with one com-
pany of the American Legion. At the same time I advanced with the
remainder of the division, west of Fort Trumbull, on the road to the
town, to attack a redoubt which had kept up a brisk fire upon us for some
time, but which the enemy evacuated upon our approach. In this work we
found six pieces of cannon mounted, and two dismounted: soon after I
had the pleasure to see Captain Millet march into Fort Trumbull under
a shower of grape shot fiom a number of cannon, which the enemy had
turned upon him; and I have the pleasure to inform your Excellency, that,
by the sudden attack and determined bravery of the troops, the fort was
earned with the loss of only four or five men killed and wounded. Cap-
tain Millet had orders to leave one company in Fort Trumbull, to detach
one to the redoubt we had taken, and to join me with the othertwo com-
panies. No time on my part was lost in gaining the town of New Lon-
don. We were opposed by a small body of the enemy with one field
piece, which being iron, was spiked and left.

"As soon as the enemy were alarmed in the morning, we could perceive
they were busily employed in bending sails, and endeavouring to get their
privateers and other ships at Norwich river, out of our reach; but the
wind being small, and the tide against them, they were obliged to anchor
again. From information I received before and after my landing, I had
reason to believe that Fort Griswold, on Groton side, was very incom-
plete; and I was assured (by friends to government) after my landing,
that there were only twenty or thirty men in the fort, the inhabitants in
general being on board their ships, and busy in saving their property.
On taking possession of Fort Trumbull, I found the enemy's ships would
escape, unless we could possess ourselves of Fort Griswold; I ther3fore

350 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEXOLD.

dispatched an Officer to Lientenat Colonel Eyre, with the intelligence I
had received, and requested him to make an attack upon the fort as soon
as possible; at which time I expected the howitzer was up, and would
have been made use of.

" On my gaining a height of ground in the rear of New London, from
which I had a good prospect of Fort Griswold, I found it much more for-
midable than I expected, or than I had formed an idea of from the infor-
mation I had before received; I observed at the same time, that the men
who had escaped from Fort Trumbull had crossed in boats and thrown
themselves into Fort Griswold, and a favorable wind springing up about
this time, the enemy's ships were escaping up the river, notwithstanding
the fire from Fort Trumbull, and a six pounder which I had with me. I
immediately dispatched a boat with an officer to Lieut. Col. Eyre, to
countermand my first orders to attack the fort, but the officer arrived a
few minutes too late.

" Lieutenant Col. Eyre had sent Captain Beckwith with a flag to de-
mand a surrender of the fort, which was peremptorily refused, and the
attack had commenced. After a most obstinate defense of near forty
minutes, the fort was carried by the superior bravery and perseverance of
the assailants. The attack was judicious and spirited, and reflects the
highest honor on the officers and troops engaged, who seemed to vie with
each other in being first in danger. The troops approached on three
sides of the work, which was a square with flanks, made a lodgement in
the ditch, and under a heavy fire, which they kept up on the works,
effected a second lodgment on the friezing, which was attended with
great difficulty, as only a few pickets could be forced out or broken in a
place, and was so high that the soldiers could not ascend without assist-
ing each other. Here the coolness and bravery of the troops were very
conspicuous — as the first who ascended the frieze were obliged to silence
a nine-pounder, which infiladed the place on which they stood, until a
sufficient body had collected to enter the works, which was done
with fixed bayonets through the embrazures, where they were opposed
with great obstinacy by the garrison with long spears. On this occasion
I have to regret the loss of Major Montgomery, who was killed by a spear
in entering the enemy's works; also of Ensign Whillock, of the 40th
regiment, who was killed in the attack. Three other officers of the same
regiment were wounded. Lieutenant Colonel Eyre and three other offi-
cers of the 54th regiment were also wounded, but I have the satisfaction
to inform your Excellency that they are all in a fair way of recovery.

" Lieutenant Colonel Eyre, who behaved with great gallantry, having
received his wound near the works, and Major Montgomery being killed
immediately after, the command devolved upon Major Bromfield,
behaviour on this occasion does him great honour.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 351

" Lieutenant Colonel Buskirk, with the New Jersey Volunteers and
ai-tillery, being the second debarkation, came up soon after the work was
carried, having been retarded by the roughness of the country. I am
much obliged to this gentleman for his exertions, although the Artillery
did not arrive in time.

" I have enclosed a return of the killed and wounded, by which your
Excellency will observe that our loss, though very considerable, is very
short of the enemy's, who lost most of their officers, among whom was
their commander. Col. Ledyard. Eighty-five men were found dead in
Fort Griswold, and 60 wounded, most of them mortally; their loss on
the opposite side must have been considerable, but cannot be ascertained.
I believe we have about 70 prisoners, besides the wounded, who were left
paroled.

" Ten or twelve of the enemy's ships were burned; among them weve
three or four armed vessels, and one loaded with naval stores; an immense
quantity of European and West India goods were found in the stores;
among the former, the cargo of the Hannah, Captain Watson, from Lon-
don, lately capture d by the enemy : The whole of which was burnt with the
stores, which proved to contain a large quantity of powder, unknown to
us; the explosion of the powder, and change of wind, soon after the
stores were fired, communicated the flames to a part of the town, which
was, notwithstanding every effort to prevent it, unfortunately destroyed.

" Upwards of 50 pieces of iron cannon were destroyed in the different
works (exclusive .of the guns of the ships), a particular return of which
I cannot do myself the honor to transmit to your Excellency at this
time.

" A very considerable magazine of powder, and barracks to contain 300
men were found in Fort Griswold, which Captain Lemoine, of the Royal
Artillery, had my positive directions to destroy. An attempt was made by
him, but unfortunately failed. He had my orders to make a second
attempt; the reasons why it was not done. Captain Lemoine will have the
honour to explain to your Excellency.

" I should be wanting in justice to the gentlemen of the navy did I omit
to acknowledge that upon this expedition I have received every possible
aid from them; Captain Beasley has made every exertion to assist our
operations, and not only gave up his cabin to the sick and wounded offi-
cers, but furnished them with every assistance and refreshment that his
ship afforded.

"Lord Dalrj'm pie will have the honour to deliver my dispatches. I
beg leave to refer your Excellency to his Lordship for the particulars of
our operations on the New London side. I feel myself under great obli-
gations to him for his exertions upon the occasion.

352 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

" Captain Beckwith, who was extremely serviceable to me, returns with
his Lordship. His spirited conduct in the attack of Fort Griswold, does
him great honor, being one of the first officers who entered the works.
I beg leave to refer your Excellency to him for the particulars of our ope-
rations on that side, and to say I have the highest opinion of his abilities
as an officer.

" I am greatly indebted to Captain Stapleton (who acted as Major of
Brigade), for his spirited conduct and assistance: in particular on the at-
tack upon Fort Trumbull, and his endeavours to prevent plundering
(when the public stores were burnt), and the destruction of private build-
ings.

" The officers and troops in general behaved with the greatest intre-
pidity and firmness.

" I have the honor to be, &c.,

"B. Arnold."

It seems quite clear — and indeed such is the statement
of General Heath — that Arnold did not cross the river, and
that during the attack upon Fort Griswold he was on the
opposite side; and this being true, he must be acquitted of
any direct personal responsibility for what occurred at the
Fort. His conduct in leading this expedition against his
native State is bad enough, without darkening the picture
with the cruelties which occurred on the opposite side of
the stream.

General Clinton, in general orders expresses his obliga-
tions to General Arnold " for his very spirited conduct,"
and assures him that he is convinced that " he " (General
Arnold) " took every precaution in his power to prevent the
destruction of the Town, which is a misfortune which gives
him much concern," *

1. From London Chronicle, Nov. 3-G, 1781, p. 438, Vol L.

"General Orders, Head-Quarters,)

" Nkw YoHK, irept. 17. ]■ .

"Brigadier General Arnold having reported to the Commander-in-Chief the suc-
cess of the expedition under his direction against New London, on the 6th instant,
his Escellency has the pleasure of signifying to the army the high sense he enter-
tains of the very distinguished merit of the Corps employed upon that service: but
while he draws the greatest satisfaction from the ardour of the troops, which ena-
bled them to carry by assault a work of such strength as Fort Gr'swold is repre-
sented to be, he cannot but lament, with the deepest concern, the heavy loss in ofia-

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TKExlSON. 6d6

At tlie time of tliis expedition, General Heatli was in
command of a part of the American array in tlie State of
Xew York, and in liis Diary and Memoirs, under date of
Sept. 10, 1781, after giving an account of the expedition
against Xew London, he says:

" III Govr. Trnmbuirs letter, the Enemy were charged with behaving'
in a wanton and barbarous manner, and that between seventy and eighty
were killed, three only before the Enemy entered the Fort and the
garrison had submitted; that on Colonel Ledyard's delivering his sword,
reversed, to the commanding officer, who entered the fort, the officer im-
mediately plunged it in the Colonel's body, on which several solditrs
bayoneted him. It is also asserted, that upon the foregoing taking place,
an American officer who stood near to Colonel Ledyard, instantly stabbed
the British officer who had stabbed the Colonel, on which the British in-
discriminately bayoneted a great number of Americans.

' ' This expedition was commanded by Arnold. The British loss was very
considerable in killed and wounded; among the former was Major .V; ont-
gomery. Arnold himself continued on the New London side, and while
his troops were plundering and burning, was said to have been at a house
where he was treated very politely; that while he was sitting with the
gentleman regaling himself, the latter observed that he hoped his house
and property would be safe; he was answered that while he (Arnold)
was there, it would not be touched; but the house, except the room in
which they were, was soon plundered, and found to be on fire. During
the plunder of the town, the British (as is always the case in a plunder),
were in great confusion, setting their arms against trees and fences, while
they were collecting and carrying off their plunder; in this situation
they might have been easily defeated; nor would it have been the first
time an army in possession of victory, lost it in this way: hence by the
articles of war, *' If any officer or soldier shall leave his post or colors, to
go in search of plunder, he is liable to suffer death for the offence."

"It is not meant to exculpate or to aggravate the conduct of the

cers and men sustained by the 40th and 54th Regiments, who had the honor of that
attack ; and as no words can do proper justice to the discipline and spirit which
they showed on that occasion, his Excellency can only request they wiil accept his
thanks, with assurances that he will not fail to represent their conduct to their sov-
ereign in the most honorable terms.

'• The Commander-in-Chief begs leave to express his obligations to Brigadier Gen-
eral Arnold, for his very spirited conduct on tlae occasion ; and he assures that gen-
eral officer that he is convinced he took every precaution in his power to prevent
the destruction of the town, which is a misfortune that» gives him much con-
cern. * * *"
23

354 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

enemy on this occasion — but two things are to be remembered ; first, 1h«^t
in almost all cases the slaughter does but begin when the vanquished
give way; and it has been said, that if this was fully considered, troops
would never turn their backs, if it were possible to face their enemy; sec-
ondly, in all attacks by assault, the assailants, between the feelings of dan-
ger on the one hand, and resolution to overcome it on the other, have
their minds worked up almost to a point of fuiy and madness, which those
who are assailed, from a confidence in their works, do not feel; and that
consequently when a place is carried, and the assailed submit, the assail-
ants cannot instantaneously curb their fury to reason, and in this interval,
many are slain in a way which a cool bystander would call wanton and
barbarous, and even the perpetrators themselves, when their rage subsi-
ded, would condemn; but tvhile the human ^lassions remain as they now
are, there is scarcely a remedy."

It is said that during the attack Arnold had a very nar-
row escape from death by the hands of a Mrs. Hinman, a
resident of New London. She had known Arnold in earlier
years, he having often been the guest of her husband. See-
ing him riding up the street, she addressed him, and he
immediately recognized her, and offered her his protection.
He told her to point out her property, and lie would take
care that it should not be injured. She pointed out not
only her own, but the houses of several of her friends, as
her own, and all were spared.

At length, seeing the cruel destruction going on around
her, the attack upon and capture of Fort Griswold, she be-
came so incensed against Arnold tliat she seized a gun, and
aiming it at him as he sat on his horse in front of the house,
she pulled the trigger, but the piece missed fire, and the
traitor escaped. Tlie Lord did not on that day deliver Sis-
era into the hands of this modern Jael."^

1. New York Daily Times, January, 1879.

CHAPTER XX.

ARNOLD AT THE COURT OF GEORGE THE III.

" On foreign shores a man exiled
Disowned, deserted, and distressed."

Arnold's Departure with Lord Cornwallis for England— His Reception by
THE King and Cabinet— His Paper on a Re-union Between the Colonies
AND THE Crown— General and Mrs. Arnold at Andre's Monument in West-
minster Abbey.

On the 19th of October, 1781, Lord Cornwallis, with his
entire army of near 10,000 men, surrendered to General
Washington. When intelligence of this event reached the
British Cabinet, the firmness of Lord Xorth, the Minister,
gave way, and he exclaimed, " All is lost !" ' This success
caused most men to conclude that the subjugation of the
Colonies was impossible, and led to the acknowledgment of
the independence of our country.

In the December following, Arnold, with his family,
sailed for England. In the expeditions which he com-
manded against Virginia and into Connecticut, he had accom-
plished all that was expected of him, had displayed energy
and executive ability, had received the thanks of Sir Henry
Clinton, but no opportunity had occurred for the exhibition
of those brilliant exploits and feats of personal heroism, for
which his career in the patriot army had been so distin-
guished. Independently of the reproach brought upon him

1. Wraxall's Memoirs.

(355)

35G LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

by tlie affair at Xew London, lie had not added anything to
his military reputation. Indeed, he was so heavily handi-
capped while in the service of the king, as to make it very
difficult for him to achieve anything great. It is not un-
likely some distrust may have been felt towards him in
some quarters among his new friends, though I discover no
indication of it in the treatment of him by the British
commander. Even if there had been no blot upon his rec-
ord as an officer, as a colonist he would have labored under
great disadvantage.

Besides, it was well known at the British Headquarters,
that he was constantly exposed to dangers far greater and
of a different character from those of any other officer. Hun-
dreds of riflemen and sharp-shooters were on the watch to
take his life. Heavy rewards for his capture, for his abduc-
tion had been offered, and if taken his execution would have
been summary. He was therefore sent to England to con-
fer with the Ministers upon the conduct of the war : and lie
j)repared to leave with little or no probability of ever return-
ing. He was now to become an exile from his native land,
probably forever.

How painful this exile, with what shattered hopes, nay,
almost despair, he left his home, the land of his glory, and
of his disgrace, it is difficult to conceive. One must remem-
ber his ambition, his passionate nature; how he had strug-
gled for fame; how, when ill-treated, and deeply injured, car-
ried away by his passions, he had listened to British emis-
saries, and yielding to their specious arguments and persua-
sions, had at last staked everything on the success of his
treason, to appreciate the bitter feelings of self-reproach witli
wdiich he sailed away from his home. It has been said, tliat
the hardships he had endured and his exposure and wounds
in battle, were the result, not of patriotism, but of ambition
only; but " Greater love hath no man than this: that a man

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 357

la}^ down liis life for his friend; " and it would be difficult to
find stronger evidence of love of country than he had exhib-
ited up to the time of his treason.

Yet few, if anj, among those he left behind would now
remember,

" That this poor victim of self- will
Patriot no more, had once been patriot all."

It was impossible for him not to recall the day, when
brought'home from Saratoga, still weak and a cripj)le from
unhealed wounds so honorably received, his native State
went out to meet, welcome and honor him. He could not
fail to remember when, returning to Philadelphia after hav-
ing, by a heroism never surpassed, driven Tryon back to his
ships. Congress replaced the horse riddled with bullets un-
der him, with another completely caparisoned, and gave him
the promotion so long and so unjustly withheld. Nor did
he fail to recall how often he had been honored by Washing-
ton, tmd that the Commander-in-Chief had offered him the
second place in his own army, and had he been true to tliat
chief, it might have been into his liands that the sword of
Lord Cornwallis would have been surrendered. Musing
upon all these recollections and all his old campaigns, from
Ticonderoga and the "Wilderness of Maine to the assault
upon Quebec and the long Canadian winter, when " in the
path of duty" he " knew no fear," he paced the deck of the
packet and saw his native land disappear forever in the dis-
tance. He might now be compared to a melancholy flot-
som^ thrown up by the waves of a stormy sea, the wreck of
a once noble career, now the wretched relic of an abortive
and guilty enterprise.

He had staked all — and lost all. Execrated and cursed
by his own countrymen and their army, and regarded coldly
by the other side, he must have felt uncertain of his recep-
tion by the government to whicli he was fleeing. He could

358 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

not fail to speculate on what might have been his position,
as the brilliant second of Washington, in establishing the
independence of his country. He was now going empty-
handed of success, to meet strangers, without a country or
a home. Truly, his treason was not only a crime, but a sad
and terrible blunder. No wonder that he struggled against
despair !

But his devoted wife, in this hour of deep depression was
ever at his side to soothe and sustain him. To her Arnold
was still a hero. It was hard for her to leave father, family,
home and friends, but with all of woman's devotion, she
clung to her husband, and made his life endurable.

Sir Henry Clinton gave to Arnold letters to Lord George
Germain and others, bearing generous testimony " to his
spirited and meritorious conduct since he had joined the
British army," and " earnestly commending him to his
Lordship's countenance and protection."

Lord Cornwallis was a fellow passenger with Arnold and
his family across the ocean to England. His lordshij), after
his surrender at Yorktown, had been exchanged for Henry
Laurens, late president of Congress, who had been captured
at sea, and confined in the Tower of London. The kindness
of Cornwallis towards the family of Arnold, manifested on
various occasions, and especially some years afterwards, in
aiding to place his sons at the military school, may be at-
tributed, in part at least, to the friendly relations created
by this voyage together.* In the protracted passage across
the Atlantic, then made by sail, these two gentlemen had
abundant time to discuss the probabilities of future success
of the war. Cornwallis had nearly given up all hope, while
Arnold professed to be still sanguine.

" Arnold," it is said in a private letter from a gentleman

1. Cornwallis and Arnold "were brother passengers to England." Drake's His-
toric Fields and Mansions of Middlesex, p. 257.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TKEASOX. 359

wlio was in Europe when lie arrived tliere, and whose ac-
({naintance in diplomatic circles placed him in a position to
be well informed, " was received with open arms by the
King, caressed by the ministers, and all imaginable atten-
tion shown him by all people on that side of the question," '

Leaning on the arm of Sir Guy Carleton, he was presented
at Court by Sir Walter Stirling."

He was much consulted by Lord Germain and the Cab-
inet, and regarded as a very sensible man, familiar with
American affairs. " lie had many private conferences with
the King, and was seen walking with the Prince of Wales
and the King's brother in the public gardens." ^

It must have been a suggestive spectacle to have seen
General Arnold in the parks of London, leaning on the arm
of the Prince of Wales, seeking his aid under a lameness
arising from wounds received in fighting against the crown.

From the letter above quoted and other sources, I learn
that the King, who had a passionate desire to retain the Col-
onies, regarded him as a man whose opinions were entitled
to great consideration. All of Arnold's future after his
treason, for obvious reasons, depended upon a reconciliation
between the Colonies and the Crown, and he was as reluct-
ant as King George himself to see their independence estab-
lished; hence, notwithstanding the surrender of Lord Corn-
M^allis, his hopeful temperament at times still cherished the
belief that a re-union was possible. JSTot long after his pre-
sentation at court, at the personal request of the King, lie
prepared a paper, dated 1782, entitled, " Thoughts on tlie
American War."

1. Drake's Historic Fields and Mansions of Middlesex, p. 258.

2. Sargent's ' Life of Andre,' Appendix, p. 453.

o. Dralce — private letter quoted by Drake, as above stated, p. 258.

" We hear much of audiences siven to Arnold, and his being present at councils."
—Bevjamin FvanUiu's Le'.tir to R. R. Livingston; Bigelow's L/e of Franklin, Vo . Ill,
p. IS.

360 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

It contains a carefully considered plan for a reconciliation
and re-union between the Crown and the Colonies, The
grandson of General Arnold' has placed the original draft
of the paper, which is in the handwriting of General Ar-
nold, in my hands. So far as I know, it has never before
been printed.'^ It is a curious and interesting document,
and seems to me to exhibit some political sagacity. Ar-
nold had already in his address to his countrymen declared
that he had devoted his life to the " re-union of the British
Empire, as the best and only means to dry up the streams
of misery that have deluged the country."

He had expressed the conviction tliat it was the intention
of Great Britain to leave the rights and privileges of the
Colonies unimpaired, including " their perpetual exemption
from taxation."

On his arrival in London, Arnold learned, that while the
King had no thought of yielding, the British people were
getting tired of the war, and hopeless of success.

In the paper referred to, he enters into an elaborate argu-
ment to show that a majority of the Americans were op-
posed to a separation; he earnestly recommends a change
in the conduct of the war, commenting cautiously on the
delicate subject of "the inactivity and misdirection of the
King's arms in the past."

He calls attention to the great mistake, as he regarded
it, that no attempt had been made to set up " the civil au-
thority in any part of America," and asserts that until this
was done, " the loyalists will not, nor indeed can they, give
any special assistance to the royal cause."

The reason for this he explains at some length, saying:

"I have said they tvill not. Because ilvey axe Englishmen. Nay, an
American Husbandman will no sooner quit his farm and Family, to be-

1. The Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold.

2. See paper in full in the Appendix.

HIS PATRI0TIS3I AND HIS TREASON. 361

come a common Soldier at six Pence a clay Wages, with rations, than an
p]nglish Gentleman of £500 a year in the Funds. He will not lend his
hand to erect a military Misrule over himself and his Friends, and put
all his Property at the Discretion of an Arbitrary Police, that has cut
the Throat of the King's Interest wherever it has been set up.

" He has, however, no Objection to sei-ve in the Militia within his own
Colony, under oflScers who are of it, and to assist in supporting its Gov-
ernment and defending himself in it, and may perhaps pursue the Rebel
out of it, or meet him on a menaced Invasion near the Boi'ders.

" But for this Purpose the Civil Authority of the Cro\vn must first be
setup; and without it, Great Britain (the American being what he is)
can neither be benefitted by his Councils, his Purse, nor his arms. He
will be passive while under the Power of the Usurpers, and when they
are flying before the King's Troops, continue if he can at home, giving
aid to neither Party, and certainly not oppose the royal army, if he finds
it possible to avoid it; and, in short, behave in the manner Lord Corn-
walhs experienced; distnisting both the strength of his Army to give
protection, and what is worse, to afford the Protection of the Lmvs of the
Land.'"

After speaking of the feeble and exliaiisted condition of
tlie Colonies, the great depreciation of their paper currency,
and the small number of Continental soldiers in the field,
he alludes to the discontented condition of Vermont, and
suggests measures for detaching her from the Union; and
he concludes this topic by saying:

"By the complete Detachment of Vermont from the Rebel Interest,
and the Reduction of the Highland Forts earlff in the S2)ring, much may
be expected in the next Campaign, especially since the New Yorkers in
general, and a very great proportion of the Country between them and
Connecticut River are known to be very favourably inclined to the Re-
union."

He then recommended " a new peace commission to the
Coloiies," saying, "a new peace Commission is indispen-
sably necessary,"

" Perplexed as the Congress must be under the growing uneasiness of
the People, neither affection to the French, nor a republican Attach-
ment, nor even the Aims of Ambition, would prevent them from listening
to Overtures that were decisive and irreversible, if themselves could be

362 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

secured from the vindictive rage of the Multitude they have misled,
oppressed and ruined, as well as from the resentment of the Ci-own. * *

" It can scarcely be necessary to add, that the new Peace Commission-
ers should have every Power of the Crown, for the appointment to offices
— from Governors downwards, that when they return to England, they
may have the Government established upon such a Plan, as all things
considered, may appear to be expedient, nor that the success of the Com-
mission will depend much upon their being persons of Rank, and rather
Statesmen than Soldiers, and of Characters in such estimation for the
Fulness of their powers as to influence the Executive Instruments, both
of the army and navy, to di faithful, spirited, and harmonious Conduct."

" All these things," says he, "are suggested on the supposition that
Great Britain has such an interest in her Colonies as is worth iostering
for the common good."

He expresses the conviction that " the war was now nearly
at an end," nnless Britain despairs of success.

Had the policy towards the Colonies, both civil and mili-
tary, pointed out in this paper been pursued by the British
government early in the war, independence would have been
a far more difficult achievement.

It is apparent that Arnold hoped to have been appointed
one of the New Peace Commissioners in the plan of settle-
ment proposed by him, and it is probable that he anticipated
that by contributing towards peace, and securing for the
Colonies substantial self-government, he might mitigate to
some extent the hatred felt towards him in America, Al-
though the paper was read with great satisfaction by tlie
King, and added to Arnold's influence at Court, it came too
late; the British nation was tired of the war, the paper led
to no action, and it soon became very clear that American
independence was a fact accomplished, and nothing was left
to England but to accept the inevitable.

The fascination which Mrs. Arnold by her beauty, her
goodness and her grace exercised over all, was not less
marked in England than in America. Tarlteon and other
officers who had met her in Philadelphia and New York,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 363

were enthusiastic in their expressions of admiration, and,
as has been stated, declared her the most " beaiitifnl woman
in England." However this may have been, the letter before
quoted says, " the queen was so interested in favor of Mrs.
Arnold as to desire the ladies of the court to pay much atten-
tion to her."

At the same time Arnold was most severely assailed by
the Whig newspapers, and received many mortifying indig-
nities from persons in the opposition. He received lor his
alleged losses, in consequence of his joining the British, the
sum of £6315; £5000 of which he invested in four per cent,
consols, realizing therefrom £7000 in stocks.

Mrs. Arnold, some time after her arrival in England,
received a pension of £500 per annum, and each of her
children £100 per annum, from the British government.*

In Ehode Island, upon an old gravestone, erected to the
memory of Oliver Arnold, who died in 1770, are carved the
arms of the family."'' The crest was a demi-lyon-rampant,
etc., and the motto, " Gloria tnihhsursum.''''

1. Manuscript letter of Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold.

Ttie following is a copy of the Royal warrant for Mrs. Arnold's pension :
" George R. Our will & pleasure is, and we do hereby direct, authorize & com-
mand, that an annuity or Yearly pension of Five hundred pounds be established &
paiii by You unto Margaret Arnold, wife of our trusty «& well beloved Brigadier
General, Benedict Arnold, to commence from the day of the dale hereof, &, continue
during our pleasure, in such & like manner as other our established pensions,
jiiiydble by You are, &c., and this shall be therefor a sufficient Warrant. Given
at our court at St. James, the 10th day of March, 1782, In the 22d year of our
Reign. By his Majesty's command.

"North.
" Pai,menton.
" To our right Trusty & well beloved " R. Sutton.

Wii.i.iAM Hall, Vicount Gage,
Paymaster of our Pensions, &c."

2. "They (the arms) are identical with those engraved on the Tomb Stone of
Oliver Arnold, of Rhode Island, who died in 1770, and those of Sir Nicholas Arnold,
of Higluim ( onrt. county of Gloucester, whose family came from Moumoutii,
Wales. The motto, ' ilihi gloria surmm,' is traditional. * * we translate it
■ Through g'ory yielded to wc' " C. H. Arnold."

Others have translated it : " My glory is on high," and " All I seei is glory."

364 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

These arms, or something very similar, had been some-
times used on his seal by Benedict Arnold, in America.

It is a significant fact that after his arrival in England,
General Arnold changed the motto to '^Nil de8])erandumP
It seems to me this change is full of pathos, and it is not
the least expressive among the very few indications his
proud spirit ever gave, of the suffering against which he
struggled. In all the correspondence of his future life and
that of his family, I find hardly an allusion to his career in
America; no complaint; whatever his regrets and feelings,
he gave no sign, but this change in the motto on his seal —
from '•^ Mihi gloria sursum,''^ to '•'• Nil desperandinn''^
("Never despair") — tells the story of his sufferings, and
how he struggled against despair.

The kindness shown to the exile and his family by the
King and Queen w^as honorable to them, especially to King
George, who, whatever Arnold's faults, seems to have been
touched by his reverses of fortune, caused by what w'as
treason to his country, but which the King regarded as a
return to his allegiance. However Arnold's conduct might
look to others, and however justly and severely it might be
condemned by his countrymen and the world, perhaps it
was not unnatural for the King to see in it a sincere and
honest change of opinion, and a return of personal loyalty
to himself. He took Arnold at his word, and always treated
him and his family as though he believed he had sincerely
and honestly and from good motives returned to his allegi-
ance. Hence the favor with which he was received at court ;
hence the pension to Mrs. Arnold and her children, and the
King's active aid in placing Arnold's sons in the way of
obtaining a military education preparatorj'^ to commissions
in the British army, as will be hereafter more fully de-
tailed.

The sad fate of Major Andre had created a profound sen-

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 365

sation in England, and when, soon after Arnold's arrival
there, it was suggested to the King to erect a monument to
his memory in "Westminster Abbey, Arnold took a warm
interest in the movement, and both he and his wife watched
its progress to completion with the deepest sympathy.

An American loyalist, an exile in England for his opin-
ions, mentions in his diary the incident of seeing General
x\rnold and his wife in "Westminster Abbey, reading the
inscription on Andre's monument and conversing together.'

" Many a citizen of the great Western Republic,'* as Dean
Stanley says,'' " has paused before the sight of this sad story,"
but never any with hearts more deeply touched than were
those of Arnold and his wife.

Had the loyalist who recorded the above incident been
behind some contiguous monument he would probably have
heard a sad dialogue between these exiles, lamenting the
pitiable fate of poor Andre. He would have heard Mrs.
Arnold recall the bright days of her girlhood, when Andre,
the gayest of the gay, was the frequent guest of her father,
and the brilliant favorite of the social circle in which she
moved.

He would have heard Arnold recall his parting from
Andre, on the banks of the Hudson, and he might have
heard the exiled general, when looking back upon the ter-
rible fate of Andre and his own still more unhappy life,
exclaim:

" Would that 1 had died in battle at Quebec, or on the
bloody deck of my ship on Lake Champlain, or at Saratoga,
rather than this terrible drama! Then Andre might have
been alive to-day, and _you happy at your father's fireside."

" Do not reproach yourself," interrupted his wife. " My
own life can never be unhappy while you and our children
are with me."

1. Life of Peter Van Schaack, p. 147.

2. Stanley's Westminster Abbey, p. 282.

i

366 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

After a pause Arnold continued:

" Yonder," pointing towards the chapel of Henry YII,
"yonder, among England's kings, lie the remains of Gen-
eral Monk, Duke of Albemarle,' whose part in England's
history I was to re-enact in America, as they told me," said
Arnold, with a smile of bitter irony upon himself.

" If I had succeeded, as I hoped," said he, " in re-uniting
the Empire, I too might have found a place and a monu-
ment here — as they promised me." *

As he lingered, sadly leaning on Andre's monument,
among the graves of so many who have made the greatness
and the glory of England, he realized that,

"No nation's eyes would on Ms tomb be bent,
No hero envy him his monument,
• However boldly his warm blood was spilt,
His life was shame, his epitaph was guilt."

1. " They (Monk and Montague and Ormond), were aU buried among the Kings,
in the chapel of Henry YII."— Stanley's Westminster Abbey, p. 249.

2. "Had the scheme succeeded," wrote an officer of the Coldstream Guards, "no
rank would have overpaid so important a service " as Arnold's. — Life of Andre,
p. 450.

CHAPTER XXI.

GENERAL ARNOLD ENGAGES IN BUSINESS.

" I am one whom the world loves not."

Arnold Settles in Portman Square, London— Lives Beyond his Means— En-
gages IN Trade— Removes to St. John's, New Brunswick— Family Corres-
pondence—Mrs. Arnold Visits her Family at Philadelphia.

The definitive treaty of peace between the United States
and Great Britain was signed September 3d, 1783. The
feeling among the people of England against a further
prosecution of the war, had been constantly increasing since
the surrender of Cornwallis, and no hostile movements of
very great importance occurred after that event. Arnold
does not appear to have seen any active service as a soldier
after his arrival in England. There seem to have been great
difficulties in regard to his employment, and it is not hard
to understand what they were, and they must have been
most galling to one with a spirit so haughty and proud.
None doubted either his bravery or his great ability as a
soldier, and the King was his fi'iend, and would have gladly
given him positions where he might liave distinguished
himself. That he j)assionately sought such positions, and
especially in the wars with France, eagerly seeking an oppor-
tunity to wash off with his blood the blot upon his fame,
was well known, and was made manifest by his appeal to the
Duke of York and Earl Spencer, M'hich will apj)ear here-
(367)

368 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

after. Bat the officers of the British army were made up
largely of the sons of the nobility, and how tliey regarded
a Colonist appears in the treatment of Washington in the
old French war by Braddock and the English government;
besides, and of much greater importance, Arnold's conduct
at West Point was condemned almost as severely by the
liberal party in England as by his own countrymen, and
there were very few who approved it. With this strong
feeling against him pervading one party, and existing ex-
tensively in the other, it was difficult to give him emplo}--
ment as a soldier. He chafed and struggled against this
exclusion as an imprisoned eagle struggles for liberty, but
in vain.

.During this period his social life involved much larger
expenditure than his means supplied. It was a fault of liis
character to be lavish and extravagant, and his expenses
were never measured by his income. Being without mili-
tary employment, he had no source of revenue except his
small investment in the funds, his pay as an officer, and the
pension of his wife.

He seems finally to have resolved to devote his attention
to the education-and advancement of his family, and the ac-
quisition of a fortune adequate to their wants. He resumed
the employments of his early years, and again became a
merchant. In these efforts to mend his fortune Arnold was
seconded by his wife, with an executive ability and good
sense which it would have been well for him if he had im-
plicitly followed.

The family correspondence shows that both General and
Mrs. Arnold were persons of unusually strong family attach-
ments. His correspondence with his sister Hannah, and
with his sons by his first wife, who remained during their
childhood and youth under his sister's care, was frequent
and aftectionate. The letters of Mrs. Arnold to her father

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 369

and sisters in Philadelphia, are models of filial and sisterly
atiection; and her attentions to her husband's sister, and his
elder sons, Ben, Richard and ITenrj, were constant and
devoted.

In Jannary, 17S3, there was born to them their first
daughter, named for her mother, Margaret, but she lived
only to the next August.

George, their third son and fourth child, was born in
March, 1784, and died very soon thereafter.

Sophia Matilda, their second daughter and fifth child, was
born in London, July 28th, 1785.

On the 13th of July, in the same year, Mrs. Arnold writes
to her father in relation to Mount Pleasant, the country-seat
which General Arnold had settled upon her and her chil-
dren at the time of their marriage, saying :

" General Arnold desires you will be so good as to sell Mount Pleasant
for as much as you can, and if it should fall short of the sum which you
gave (besides paying off the mortgage), he desires you will be so good as
to draw on him for that ballance, as he thinks it better to put up with
the first loss than to advance any more money on Mount Pleasant.^ *

" I must request my dearest Papa to present my tender love to the
family. General Arnold begs to be remembered to you all in the most
affectionate manr.er."

Meanwhile, General Arnold had fitted out a ship for a
trading voyage to the West Indies, in which he sailed. In
his absence, and living among strangers, Mrs. Arnold strug-
gled to maintain her fortitude. In a letter to her father,
dated April 11th, 1786, she details her embarrassments and
sorrows in a letter full of pathos.

She says:
" My dear and ever honored Papa:

" * * * I am still in the most unhappy state of suspense
respecting the General, not having heard from him since the account of
his ship's being lost. * * *

1. Autograph letter, July 13, 1785.
24

370 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

"I assure you, my dear Papa, I find it necessary to summon all my
philosophy to my aid to support myself under my present situation.

"Separated from, and anxious for the fate of the best of husbands,
torn from almost every body that is dear to me, harrassed with a trouble-
some and expensive law-suit.' having- all the General's business to trans-
act, and feeling that I am in a strange country, without a creature near
me that is really interested in my fate, you will not wonder if I am
unhappy.

"But I will not distress you, my beloved Papa, with my unavailing
complaints, which I seldom suffer to engross either my pen or my tongue;
but deprived of all domestic society, I have too much time to indulge
them."

Like a devoted mother, she turns to her children for con-
solation, and adds:

"My children are perfectly well — my little girl the picture of health,
and has never had an hour's illness. I still continue to nurse her. I
beg, my dearest Papa, you will present my tender love to all the family.
With unceasing prayers for your and their health and happiness, believe
me, Yours affectionately." *

She was soon relieved by news of her hnsband's safety. ""
In 1T87, General Arnold removed to St. Johns, New
Brnnswick, and entered largely into mercantile business, en-
gaging principally in the West India trade. Mr. Sparks
suggests that the English Government granted him facilities
in the way of contracts for supplying the troops there with
provisions.^ He carried on an extensive business, building
ships, and sending cargoes to the West Indies. Ilis two
sons, Richard and Henry, joined him, and aided him in his
extensive operations. At St. Johns were a large number
of loyalists, refugees from the United States, who had fled,
or been exiled from their native country, and at the close
of the war had settled on this island.

Arnold is said to have exhibited here some of his charac-
teristic faults, living in a style of ostentation and display,

1. An old claim against General Arnold, which was decided by the court in his
favor.

2. Autograph letter, September 11, 1786,

3. Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 332.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 371

and to have been haughty and reserved in his intercourse,
so that he became personally obnoxious.

While the family were residing at St. Johns, George Ar-
nold, their sixth child, was born.

An incident occurred while he was a resident on the isl-
and, which has been told in such a way as to throw discredit
upon General Arnold, and to exhibit the injustice with which
he has often been treated. In his absence on a visit to
England, a warehouse in which his goods were stored, took
fire on the 11th of July, 1788, at night, and with its con-
tents was entirely consumed. His son, Henry Arnold,
sleeping in the store, was severely burned, barely escaping
with his life. The goods, amounting to several thousand
pounds, were insured. His enemies circulated reports that
he himself had caused the fire, to detraud the underwriters,
and they made such representations that the insurance offi-
cers refused payment of the insurance money. Arnold
brought suit, and after a full investigation and trial, he
recovered the full amount.

Yet, notwithstanding the judicial investigation and judg-
ment of the court, Arnold's absence in England at the time
of the fire, and the fact that his son came near being burned
to death in the conflagration, the cruel charge has been
made, and repeated time and time again, that he burned his
warehouse in St. Johns to defraud the underwriters.

This is one of the thousand slanders which have been
eagerly seized, and without investigation put in circulation,
and often repeated without care, whether true or false; yet
this is one of the penalties for his great crime. His vir-
tues all ignored, his faults exaggerated, and a thousand
falsehoods heaped upon his memory. " Yerily, the way of
the transgressor is hard !"

In 1788 General Arnold and family returned to London,
and in August of that year Chief Justice Shippen writes to

372 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

his dangliter, addressing her at Ko. 18 Gloucester Place,
Portman Square, London, in which he sa.js :

" I write from my country-place, about four miles from the city, wliich
is again visited by a malignant fever, and therefore unsafe to reside in.
This dreadful sickness, added to the apprehensions of a -war: with our
former friends, the French, has damped our spirits, and thi-eatens to
check the progress of our once prosperous country. * * *

"By way of domestic news, I must tell you that our nabob, Mr. Bing-
ham, has just married his oldest daughter to Alexander Baring, son of
Sir Francis Baring, of your country." '

Mrs. Arnold, after an absence of seven years, yearned to
see her father and her family once more, and on the 14th of
August, 1778, writes to her sister, Mrs. Burd, as follows:

" As the time draws near when I hope to be blessed with the society of
my beloved sister, I find my impatience increases, — I sometimes fear that
it is impossible I shall ever be so happy as to behold my dearest, tenderly
beloved parents and sisters ; yet as I have got the better of almost every
obstacle to my paying you a visit, I ought to anticipate nothing but
pleasure— I feel great regret at the idea of leaving the General alone, and
much perplexed with business, but as he strongly urges a measure that
will be productive of so much happiness to me, I think there can be no
impropriety in taking the step. * * There is an excellent vessel that
sails between this place and New York, entirely fitted out for the accom-
modation of passengers — It is generally much crowded, but to avoid that
inconvenience, the General proposes taking the whole cabin for me, if it
can be procured upon tolerably reasonable terms, in which case it will be
optional with me to admit any other persons. I hope to leave this some
time in October— I hope, my dear Sister, that I shall not put Mamma to
the least additional trouble on my account ; it would distress me ex-
tremely if I did, in the present state of her health. I cannot convenienih)
go without one maid and child ; yet if that would enlarge the family too
much, I would make my arrangements differently, and leave only for a
couple of months — I am sure when I am with you, that Mamma will find
that it is my wish rather to lessen, than to add to the cares of her
family. Pray let me hear from you soon ; I am extremely anxious about
Mamma, the account you gave me of her situation has almost broken
my heart— she must suffer extremely from the loss of her limbs, as she
has been accustomed to so much exercise."

1. Of the family of the great tankers, and whose son negotiated with Daniei
Webster the Ashburton Treaty.

IIIS PATllIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 373

* * * * **4(.^t*

" A thousand loves to Mr. B. and the family; I wrote to my Mamma and
sister some days ago but was disappointed in sending my letters."

Mrs. Arnold made the journey and visited her family in
Philadelphia, in accordance with the plans mentioned in
the above letter, but her reception by nearly all her old
friends, outside of her immediate family, was so cold and
repelling, that her warm and affectionate heart was chilled,
and she was deeply grieved.

Perhaps this was not surprising, but she was not pre-
pared for it. The feeling against her husband, and to some
extent against herself, made her visit to America very un-
comfortable. She returned to London, and the family
went back to St. Johns, where they remained until 1791.

In a letter to Mr. Burd, her sister's husband, dated April
13th, 1791, Mrs. Arnold says:

"We are in pleasing expectation of returning this summer to England,
a country less hostile to our interests, and much better calculated to pro-
mote our happiness than this. The escheating lands and some other
arbitrary acts of the government here, are causing this country to depop-
ulate very fast. The poor flee to their native places in the States for
refuge. Their reception there, I fear, is very doubtful; at least if I may
judge from my own."

In the same letter she says :

"Accept, my dear Mr. Burd, the tribute of a grateful heart, animated
by the most sincere and lively affection. Your conduct towards me has
ever marked the real friend and brother. ' '

A letter from her father to Mrs. Arnold, written in July,
1788, is interesting, as showing the kind and generous con-
sideration and affection he ever manifested for her. Her
brother had become indebted to General Arnold in the sum
of £750 pounds sterling, and the General had expressed a de-
sire that it should be settled upon Mrs. Arnold and her
children, for their sole and separate use. Mr. Shippen
writes to his daughter, that

374 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKNOLD.

"If he (the son) does not discharge the debt in my lifetime, you may
rest assured I will make such a provision in my will, that it shall be paid
out of such parts of my estate as I shall allot for the use of him or his
family." '

In tlie summer of 1791, General Arnold and his family
returned to England, and settled permanently in London.

1. Manuscript letter.

CHAPTER XXII.

ARNOLD'S DUEL WITH THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE.

" Through the perils of chance and the scowl of disdain
May thy front be unaltered, thy courage elate ! "

Arnold and Talleyrand— Arnold's Duel with the Earl of Lauderdale—
Statement of Lord Hawke— Mrs. Arnold's Letters to her Father and to
KicHARD Arnold, Giving an Account of the Duel.

Those -who have supposed that Arnold -was not keenly
sensitive to the opinions of his countrymen and the world,
because he was too proud to complain and generally reti-
cent, never seeking to excuse or palliate his conduct, did
not comprehend the man. An anecdote, which I believ^eto
be substantially true, has been published of an interview
between him and Talleyrand, which is significant on this
phase of his character. Arnold and the distinguished
French diplomat happened to meet at an English country
inn. They were strangers, neither knowing the name of
the other; but there being no other guests, they dined to-
gether, and were mutually pleased with each other. The
subject of the United States and American affairs was in-
troduced and discussed, and after dinner, they lingered
some time over their wine. Talleyrand, impressed with the
intelligence of the stranger, and his familiar knowledge of
the public men of America, at length said to him : " From
your knowledge of all that relates to the United States, I
(375)

376 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

am sure you must be an American ; my name is Talley-
rand," handing to tlie General his card, "and I am about
to visit that country; perhaps you will be so kind as to give
me some letters of introduction to your friends there."

Arnold replied : " You are right in supposing I am an
American. I was born and have spent nearly all my life
there, yet I am probably the only American living who can
say, ' I have not one friend in America ! 'No, not one ! '
I am Benedict Arnold."

The duel between General Arnold and the Earl of Laud-
erdale has been the subject of much misrepresentation. 1
have the means of stating the exact truth in regard to it,
and of adding that this was the only duel in which he was
ever engaged while in England.

The meeting grew out of what was said by Lord Lauder-
dale in the House of Lords, on the 31st of May, 1792, in a
very warm, excited and personal debate on the King's pro-
clamation against seditious meetings. After the Marquis
of Abercorn, the Earl of Harrington, Lord Hawl^e, His
Royal Highness the Prince of "Wales, and others, had ad-
dressed their Lordships, the Earl of Lauderdale followed,
and with great vehemence charged the Ministers with gross
inconsistency. He compared their conduct to that of Mr.
Pitt and the Duke of Kicbmond at the close of the Ameri-
can war.

"How the noble Duke and Mr. Pitt would vindicate
such a change of conduct he knew not, but would leave it
to them," etc.

"The Earl at length took notice of the camp at Bagshot, which he said
the noble Duke (of Richmond), who had been so strenuous for reform,
was appointed to command, to overawe the people, and destroy their
endeavors to obtain a reform. He declared he was glad the Duke was to
command the camp. If apostacy could justify promotion, he was the
most fit person for that command, General Arnold alone excepted."' '

]. Cobbett s Parliamentary Debates, Vol. XXIX, p. 1518-19.

"To these remarks the Duke of Richmond reDlied in language which called

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. O//

When these remarks appeared in the report of the debate,
General Arnold instantly saw his opportiuiit3\ A soldier
with a blot upon liis name, he had been an exile for ten
years, bearing in silence every mortification and indignity
which bitter enemies could inflict.

These indignities and mortifications had generally been
in a form and from sources he could neither notice nor re-
sent, and he liad borne tliem in haughty silence. JSTow the
Earl of Lauderdale, a nobleman as high in character as in
rank , the hereditary standard-bearer of Scotland,' in the
House of Lords, in the face of the peers of all England, and
in the knowledge of all the world, had assailed him in a
manner which no soldier could endure. Arnold knew that
the words of the Earl would be seized by his enraged coun-
trymen as the judgment of England upon his conduct.

Such an attack was not a manly thing on the part of the
Earl of Lauderdale. Whatever Arnold's guilt, he was a
stranger, with not too many friends, struggling unequally
against a torrent of troubles. True, he had brought these
troubles upon himself, but it is not a manly or a generous
act to taunt even the guilty when on the scaffold. Besides,
it was liardly fair for a high official of the government
which had seduced him, now in his exile to scoff at his trea-
son. The Earl, however, had no personal hostility to Ar-
nold ; in the heat of debate he had used his name " to point
a moral," if not " to adorn a tale."

He had capped his brilliant rhetorical climax of apostacy
with the name of Benedict Arnold. However amusing this

I'rom the Earl of Lauderdale, through Mr. Grey, a demand for au explanation or a
meeiing. After discussion, the Earl of Lauderdale declared the expression used
hy him, applied solely to the Duke of Richmond's public couduct, and that he
meant nothing in any respect to his Grace's private character. The Duke
of Richmond, on his part, declared he did not persist in the terms he used to
Lord Lauderdale, those expressions having been suggested solely by the idea of
his private character's having beea attacked."— CoJ>bei«'s Parliamen'.ary Debates,
Vnl. XXIX, p. I.'SIO, vote.
1. Lodge's British Peerage.

378 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

may Lave been to the Earl, it was terribly severe, not to say
cruel, to Arnold. He felt that his hour had come, both
" the hour and the man."

He had waited for such an opportunity to seek such poor
vindication of himself as " the field of honor," so-called,
would afford, and none better suited to his purposs could
have been devised — the place of the assault, one of the
most dignified deliberative assemblies in the world ; the
assailant, in position, rank and character, among the high-
est in England.

Arnold gladly seized the opportunity to show that he was
yet willing to die, if need be, in vindication of his name,
and in teaching such assailants forbearance. His warm
personal friend. Lord Hawke, volunteered to carry his mes-
sage to the Earl, demanding an apology or a hostile meet-
ing. The Earl declined to apologize, and a meeting was
arranged, Lord Hawke acting for General Arnold, and
Charles James Fox, the great parliamentary orator, acting
for Lord Lauderdale.^

The meeting was appointed for 7 o'clock on Sunday
morning, a short distance out of London, near Kilburn
Wells.

Mrs. Arnold, in a letter to her father, set forth hereafter,
says: "A variety of circumstances combined to make me
acquainted with the whole transaction. What 1 suffered
for nearly a week is not to be described ; the suppression
of my feelings, lest I should unman the General, almost at
last proved too much for me, and for some hours my reason
was despaired of, and I was confined to my bed for some
days after."

The picture of Mrs. Arnold, separated from every rela-

1. Fox, Pitt and Burke— Fox, of whom Byron said,
'• The first of the wondrous three,
Whose words were sparks of immortality."

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON". 079

tion in the world, "feeling," as she said to her father in a
letter before mentioned, " feeling that she was in a strange
country, without a creature near her really interested in
her fate," with her young children around her, struggling
to suppress her feelings lest she should " unman" her hus-
band, is an exhibition of heroism, fortitude and devotion
rarely surpassed.

On the Sunday morning appointed, General Arnold arose
very early, and Mrs. Arnold awake, conscious that her
husband was going to a hostile meeting, which might re-
sult in his death, yet feigned sleep, lest the parting should
unnerve him. He kissed her tenderly, but careful not to
awaken her, spoke no parting words, and accompanied Lord
Hawke to the place of meeting. There they were met by
the Earl and Mr. Fox.*

It was arranged that tlie principals were to fire on the
word, to be given by Mr. Fox. Lord Lauderdale received
General Arnold's fire, which was without effect, but did not
return the fire. Lord Hawke, supposing Lord Lauderdale's
pistol had missed fire, desired him to fire. General Arnold,
calmly and firmly keeping his ground, to receive the Earl's
shot, called out to him to "fire." His Lordship declined,
saying he had no enmity to General Arnold. Lord Hawke
then said he supposed Lord Lauderdale would not object to
say that he did not mean to asperse General Arnold's char-
acter. His Lordship declined, saying he had formerly said
he did not mean to wound General Arnold's feelings ; he
should not explain what he had said; General Arnold might
fire again if he chose. This Lord Hawke and General Ar-
nold said was impossible. Then Lord Lauderdale said he
could not retract his words, but was sorry if any man felt
hurt by them. On which General Arnold said, " that is
not a proper apology — such as I would make myself in a

1. For this incident I am indebted to Rev. Edward G. Arnold.

380 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

similar situation," and lie again insisted on his Lordship's
firing. Lord Lauderdale did not fire, but after a few words
with General Arnold, and with Lord Hawke, and Mr. Fox,
he came forward, and said : " I have no enmity against
General Arnold ; I did not mean to asperse his character,^
or wound his feelings, and I am sorry that General Arnold
or any other person should be hurt at what I have said."

To which General Arnold replied : " Lord Lauderdale, 1
am perfectly satisfied with your apology, provided our sec-
onds as men of honor will say that I ought to be."

Both Lord Hawke and Mr. Fox agreed that the apology
ought to be deemed perfectly satisfactory.

Before the parties left the ground, the Earl, on learning
from a messenger which Mrs. Arnold, in her extreme anx-
iety had sent to the place of meeting, that she was ill from
anxiety and apprehension, with true chivalry expressed
great concern and regret, and begged permission to wait
upon her to express his sorrow and make his apology.

The following statement was drawn up July T, 1792, by
General Arnold at his residence in Portland Place, and en-
dorsed and verified by Lord Hawke, as " a moderate and
unexaggerated statement of the dispute between General
Arnold and Lord Lauderdale:"^

" A STATE OF THE AFFAIR OP HONOR DECIDED BETWEEN LORD

LAUDERDALE AND GENERAL ARNOLD, ON SUNDAY

MORNING, THE 1ST OP JULY, NEAR

KILBURN WELLS.

" The parties met at about 8 o'clock — Lord Lauderdale with his friend,
Mr. Fox, and Lord Hawke, as the friend of General Arnold. The par-
ties agreed to fire together, on a word given by Mr. Fox. Lord Lauder-
dale received General Arnold's fire (which was without effect), and

1. I believe it was the suggestion of Fox, whose generous feelings were touched
by Arnold's misfortunes, that induced the Earl to withdraw the aspersions upon
Arnold's character.

2. The original paper, in the handwriting of General Arnold, and the endorse-
ment, in the handwriting of Lord Hawke, furnished by a grandson of General Ar-
nold, is now before me.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 381

reserved his own. Lord Eawke told Lord Lauderdale that he believed
his pistol had missed fire, and desired him to fire. He was also called
upon by General Arnold to fire (who kept his ground for that purpose),
which his Lordship declined, saying that he had no enmity to General
Arnold. Lord Hawke then observed that he supposed Lord Lauderdale
would not object to say that he did not mean to asperse General Arnold's
character, which his Lordship declined, saying that he had formerly said he
did not mean to wound General Arnold's feelings; he should not explain
what he had said, and that General Arnold might fire again if he chose.
This Lord Hawke and General Arnold said was impossible. Then Lord
Lauderdale said he could not retract his words, but was sorry if any man
felt hurt by them; on which General Arnold said that was not a proper apol-
ogj' — such as he should make himself in a similar situation — and again
insisted on his Lordship's firing.

" Lord Lauderdale, after having some short conversation with General
Arnold and the seconds, came forward very handsomely, like a man of
honor, and declared "that he had no enmity against General Arnold,
that he did not mean to asperse General Arnold's character, or wound his
feelings, and was sorry that General Arnold, or any other person should
be hurt at what he had said."

" General Arnold told Lord Lauderdale that he was perfectly satisfied
with his apology, provided their seconds, as men of honor, would say that
he ought to be so, which they both did.

" Portland Place, )
" July 7th, 1792, )

"This is a moderate and unexaggerated statement of the dispute
between General Arnold and Lord Lauderdale, to the best of my knowl-.
edge and belief, on the part of General Arnold.

" Hawke."

On the sixth of July Mrs. Arnold wrote to her fatlier,
giving the details of the duel. If she speaks with some
pride of the conduct of her husband, and colors some cir-
cumstances in his favor, it will be forgiven to the partiality
of a devoted wife.

"My Beloved and Respected Parent:

" The anxiety which my last letter must have occasioned, as Ithen men-
tioned the probability of a Duel's taking place between the Earl of Laud-
erdale and General Arnold, I am happy now to have it in my power to
relieve; as the affair is settled most honorably for the General, and his
conduct upon the occasion has gained him great applause. The circum-
stances that gave rise to it you may wish to hear: Lord Lauderdale

382 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

(who is violent in the opposition, and who was the only man in the House
of Lords who voted against an address of thanks to the King, upon a
late Proclamation), in an attack upon the Duke of Richmond, respect-
ing the reform in Parliament, is said to have used the following expres-
sions: ' That he did not know any instance of Political Apostacy equal
to the Duke of Richmond's, except General Arnold's,' and that 'the
intended Encampment was designed to overawe the inhabitants of
the Kingdom, and the Metropolis in particular ; and prevent a
Reform in Parliament, that the Duke of Richmond was the most
proper person he knew of to command it, General Arnold first
struck off the list.' Upon the General's demanding an apology for this
unprovoked attack upon his character, his Lordship positively denied
having made use of the last expression, or any similar to it; the first he
ncknowledged, and made a kind of apology for it; but, it not satisfying
the General, he drew up such a one as he would accept, which his Lord-
ship refused to sign.

I ord Hawke (who is a most respectable Peer, and our particular friend)
voluntarily offered his services upon the occasion; and as the matter
could not be amicably settled, his Lordship waited upon Lord Lauder-
dale, and a place was named for a meeting. The time appointed was
seven o'clock on Sunday morning last — Mr. Charles Fox, as second to
Lord Lauderdale; Lord Hawke, the General's. It was agreed that they
should fire at the same time, upon a word given, which the General did,
without effect. Lord L. refused to fire, saying he had no enmity to Gen-
eral Arnold. He at the same time refused making an apology, and said
the General might fire again, if he chose. This was impossible, but the
General desired Lord Hawke to tell Mr. Fox, that he would not leave the
field without satisfaction; and that if Lord Lauderdale persisted in his
refusal of giving it to him, either by an apology or firing again, that he
should be under the necessity of using such expressions to him, as would
oblige him to do the latter. Upon this, the seconds had a conference, dur-
ing which time Lord Lauderdale and the General met; when he told his
Lordship that he did not come there to convince the world that he dare
fight, but for satisfaction for the injury done his character; and that he cer-
tainly would not quit the field without it. After a consultation between
Lord L. & Mr. Fox, his Lordship came forward, and said that he had no
enmity to General Arnold — that he did not mean to asperse his character or
wound his feelings, and was sorry for what he had said. General A. said
he was perfectly satisfied with this apology, provided the seconds, as men
of honor, declared he ought to be so, which they, without hesitation, did.
Before they left the ground. Lord Lauderdale expressed gi-eat concern at
finding that I had been made unhappy, and begged leave to wait upon

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 383

nie, to moke an apolosry. A variety of circumstances combined to make
lue acquainted with the whole transaction ; what I sutfered for near a
week is not to be described; the suppression of my feelings, lest I should
unman the General, almost at last proved too much for me; and for some
l.oiu-s, my reason was dispaired of. I was confined to my bed for some
days aftei', but am now so much better that I shall go out an airing this
afternoon. It has been highly gratifying to find the General's conduct
so much applauded, which it has been universally, and particularly by a
number of the first characters in the Kingdom, who have called upon him
in consequence of it. Nor am I displeased at the great commendations
bestowed on my own conduct upon this trying occasion. I wrote you a
long letter about ten days ago, upon the subject of the little money that
has been received as a provision for my children, which letter I hope you
will receive safe. I intended sending a duplicate, but am not at present
equal to copying it. I mentioned that we could not, in the Funds, get
above 4 per cent, for money, and by annuities, insured, not more than 6
per cent. ; Expressed the great anxiety I should feel until something was
secured to my children, as the greatest part of our Income depended upon
our lives : ( Ah ! how lately has one of them been endangered) and entreated
your advice and assistance in the disposal of it to advantage. I suggested a
wish that Mr. Lea would employ a small sum in business for the advan-
tage of my children, but left the matter entirely to your discretion, and
begged that if you were of opinion that it would be better to place the
money in Philadelphia, and that it would there produce a good Interest,
and be safe, that you would have the goodness to undertake the business
forme, — and authorized you to draw upon me, if Bills were at or above
Par, on Messrs. Dorset & Co., Bankers, New Bond street, for £2,000 ster-
ling. I shall impatiently wait your answer, my beloved Papa, as we
shall not think of disposing of the money otherways till then. The hon-
orable and advantageous Peace made by Lord Cornwallis in the East
Indies, has afforded great pleasure to all loyal subjects here. Many peo-
ple look forward with dread to the Mth of July, as they are fearful of
Riots on that day, but I sincerely hope it is without cause. — I beg to be
most affectionately remembered to all the family, in which the General
begs leave to join.
" Believe me, my dearly beloved Parent,

" Most truly Yours,

"M. Arnold." 1

In a letter to Richard, the second son of General Arnold by
his first wife, written in August, 1792, Mrs. Arnold says:

1 The foregoing is copied from the original, in the possession of Edward Ship-
pen, Esq , of Philadelphia.

384 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

" I was greatly distressed about six weeks ago by your Father's being
concerned in a duel, but it has ended so safely and honorably to him, I
am happy it has taken place. The Earl of" Lauderdale cast some reflec-
tions upon his political character in the House of Lords, for which your
Father demanded an apology, which his Lordship refused to make. On
Sunday morning, the 1st of July, they went out a few miles from town,
with their Seconds and Surgeons — Lord Hawke, your Father's, and Mr.
Charles Fox, Lord Lauderdale's.

"Lord Lauderdale received 5'our Father's fire, but refused to return it,
saying he had no enmity to him. After a little deliberation, and your
Father's declaring that he would not quit the field without an apology,
his Lordship made a very satisfactory one. Your Father has gained very
great credit in this business, and I fancy it will deter others from taking
liberties with him. * *"

I extract the following paragraphs from a letter from
Mrs. Arnold to Richard, dated July 28, 1793, showing her
deep interest in his welfare, and how kindly and discreetly
she discharged the duties of a mother towards him:

" I shall always be happy," says she, " to consider you as a son, whose
welfare is dear to me."

" You request, my dear Richard, my influence with your father to in-
duce him to consent to your marrying. With respect to him, I must beg
not to interfere ; — but give me leave, as a friend interested for your hap-
piness, to offer you my advice. I should by no means wish you to give
up a young lady to whom your love and honor are engaged, and who,
from everything I can hear, is worthy of your affection. But by the love
you bear her, let me admonish you not to marry her till you are enabled
to support her in a comfortable style. How many people are there who
are for years engaged, while prudence forbids an union, who afterwards
come together, and are happier for their self-denial, till fortune smiled
upon them. You are particularly fortunate in not b ing severed from
the object of your affections ; you can enjoy her society, and your desire
to unite yourself to her will stimulate your Industry.

" By precipitating yourself into matrimony till you are established in
business, you would probably render yourself and the object of your re-
gards miserable ; — but by your exertions, a short time may make a mate-
rial change in your affairs, and you will then be enabled to many her,
with a prospect of happiness, and with the approbation of your friends.
*********

" Your affectionate, &c."

CHAPTER XXIII.

ARNOLD'S SERVICES IN THE WEST INDIES-HIS DEATH.

" Seek out— less ofcen sought than found—
A soldier's grave, for thee the best."

Gen- EE AT. Arnold IN 1794 Tits OUT a. Ship for the West Indie?— Ship Lost— At
Gaudaloupe— His Danger— Escapes to the English Fleet— His Services to the
Government in the West Indies— Receives the Thanks of the Planters—
The King Grants to Him 13,500 Acres of Canada Lands for his "Gallan-
try," etc.— He begs the Duke of York for Military Service Against the
French— His Death.

In the spring of 1791, General Ar.iold purchased a ship
for the j)nrposeof going to the West Indies, and engaging
in trade and commerce.

To avoid the dangers of the British Channel, he went by
land to Falmouth, and after waiting some two weeks for the
arrival of his ship, just as she was about coming into port,
he fortunately concluded not to sail in her, but stepped on
board the packet, ready to put to sea. A few days there -
after, his ship with a vahiable cargo, was captured by the
French, but he arrived in safety at St. Kitto.^ In a letter
to Richard, Mrs. Arnold says:

" I am now in a state of most extreme misery, from the report of your
Father's being a prisoner to the French at Point- a-Peter, Gaudaloupe.
It is contradicted by some gentlemen lately from St. Kitto, but your
Father's last letter to me, being of the first of June, wherein he says he
shall set-off the next day for Point-a-Peter, makes it but too probable,

1. Manuscript letter from Mrs. Arnold to Richard Aruold, dated Aug. 1704.

25 (385)

386 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

as tlie French took possession of that Place the 4th of June. We are in
hourly expectation of its re-capture, till I hear of which I shall not know
a moment's peace of mind." *

It seems that early in June, lie arrived at Point-a-Peter,
with about five thousand pounds in cash, with which to buy
sugar; not knowing that the Island had fallen into the
hands of the French. When he learned that the French
were already in possession, assuming the name of Anderson^
he passed for an American, come there to buy a cargo. He
knew of course, that if his rank and person were discovered,
he would be taken prisoner, and held as a British General.
!Not daring to be seen in the town, he concealed himself
near the shore, and set to work to construct a raft for his
escape. The French fleet lay near the fortifications, guard-
ing the island, and outside of the French lay the British
fleet, "Waiting for a favorable juncture of wind and tide —
as darkness closed over the island and the sea, he put him-
self afloat on his frail raft, to take the hazards of passing
undiscovered through the French to the English fleet."
"Without a single attendant, aided by the tide and the wind,
he rowed silently through the hostile fleet, and although
hailed by the French guard-boat, he at length reached the
■deck of a British man-of-war, and was taken on board.
His usual boldness and readinesss in extricating himself
from danger, had not deserted him, and he was able to ren-
der the English great service.

It was not long before he was able to send to Mrs. Arnold
intelligence of his escape and safe arrival on board the Brit-
ish flag-ship.

On the 25th of June, 1794, was born William Fitch, the
fifth son of General Arnold.

In the same letter to Richard, from which I have already
quoted, Mrs. Arnold, alluding to the capture of the ship

1. Manuscript letter, Aug., 1794.

2. The Gentleman's Magazine, Aug., 1794. Vol. LXIV. p, 685,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 387

and cargo before referred to, and other losses, sajs : " I am
extremely distressed to find that your father is likely to be
so ill-rewarded for all the risks he has run. * * * *
There seems to be a cruel fatality attending all his exer-
tions."

Speaking of Henry, the younger brother of Kichard, she
says :

" I suppose my dear Henry is long ere this in the West Indies; I
scarcely know whether or not to wish it, as, though I think his prospects
in going very good, yet the fever that rages there proves so fatal to young
people, that I dread his falling a victim to it. * * * "

She recommends Richard, then at N"ew Haven, Connec-
ticut, " not to meddle with the politics of the country, and
to avoid writing to any one on the subject." She adds :

" We have not heard from poor Ben (General Arnold's oldest son by
his first wife) for a long time past, and have reason to fear he is a pris-
oner, as about 6,000 English are now in that situation in France, and
those who previous to the war resided there; have been told they are very
well treated, but I think I have now got things in a train to get certain
informa'ion of hini, and to furnish him with money.

" Should you wish to forward me your certificate and draw for your
half-pay, I will attend to your business.'

"Edward, James and George are all at school, and coming on very
well; they and Sophia send their tender love to you. The latter is re-
markably handsome, and promises to make a very fitne woman."

Wliile in the West Indies at another time, engaged in
commerce, General Arnold was himself taken prisoner by
the French, and although not known as a British officer, he
was put on board a French prison-sSip. He learned from
a sentinel that he was suspected of being other than he ap-
peared, and in great danger. At night he let himself down
from the side of the ship, and by the aid of some planks,
used as a raft, reached a small boat, in which he escaped to
the English.

1. Both Richard and Henry were commissioned by Sir Henry Clinton as lieuten-
anis of cavalry in the American Legion, raised by General Arnold, and were now
receiving half-pay, as retired oflBcers.

388 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

He rendered great service to Sir Charles Grey, command-
ing on that station,' in consideration whereof, and of other
services to the government, he received in August, 1795,
from Gilbert Franklin, Chairman of the Committee of
West India planters and merchants, resolutions of the!
Standing Committee, expressing their high appreciation and
approbation of his conduct in the West Indies, and the wish
that he might be further employed in the public service. ""

In December, 1796, General Arnold conceived a plan for
the capture by the British of the Spanish possessions in the
West Indies. This plan, through the kindness of his friend.
Lord Corn wallis, was laid before Mr. Pitt, then Prime Min-
ister. I have now before me the draft of a letter to Corn-
wallis, in which General Arnold says:

1. See Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. XC, p. 670.

2. The following is a copy of the resolution, and Gen. Arnold's reply to tho Chair-
man of the Committee :

"Resolved, That the standing committee of the West India planters and mer-
chants, beg leave to return him (Gen. A.) their thanks; that they are fully sen-
sible of his services in the West Indies, and feel themselves particularly obliged
by his exertions, at the request of the commander in-chief, which were attended,
with such beneficial effects, in covering the retreat of the troops at Gaudaloupe, and
they cannot refrain from expressing their concern at his having quitted the Islands
at a time when their safety is in the utmost hazard,"^nd thej' teg leave to assure
him it would give them the most entire satisfaction to find he was again in a situ-
ation to render further service to his Majesty in that part of the world. "

" Queen Ann St. E,, Aug. 1st, 1795.
"Sir.— I have had the honor of receiving your very obliging letter of this daj',
enclosing a copy of a resolution of the standing committee of the West India
planters and merchants, expressive of their appreciation of my conduct in the
West Indies, and a wish for my being further employed. The approbation of so
very respectable a body of gentlemen cannot fail of being highly gratifying tome,
and I beg you will do me the favor of returning them my sincere thanks for the
honor they have done me, and assure them that nothing would afford me greater
pleasure than having an opportunity of rendering them essential service in the
West Indies.

"I have the honor to be,

" With great respect and esteem,
"Sir, your most obedient
" And humble Servant,

"B. Aenold,
" To Gilbert Franklin,
" chairman of the Standing Committee
" Of the West India Planters and Merchants."

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 389

" I beg you will accept my thanks for your friendly attention in speak-
ing to Mr. Pitt on the subject of my plan, which the more I consider it
the more important it appears to me in its consequences. * * * " j
will pledge myself, with such a covering fleet as I have mentioned, and
5,C00 effective men, to begin operations; I will raise so formidable an
army of the natives, Creoles, and people of colour, that no force that Spain
has there, or can send to that country, will be able to resist or prevent
their freeing the country from the Spanish Government. Permit me to
request the favor, my Lord, should there appear a favorible opertunity
to carry such plan into effect, that you will have the goodness to remind
Mr. Pitt of it, & my wishes to be employed in it." ^

In the following year, 1797, Arnold addressed a letter to
Earl Spencer, of the British cabinet, in which he says:

" Having had some experience in conducting naval as well as military
affairs, 1 think it my duty at this alarming critiis, to tender my services
to your Lordship, to be emploj ei as you may think proper.'' ^

In 1798, the King of Great Britain granted to General
Arnold and to his family 13,400 acres of land, to be selected
from the Waste Lands of the Crown in Upper Canada. It
is recited in the letter of the Duke of Portland, Secretary of
State, to President Russell, of Canada, that " his (Arnold's)
very gallant and meritorious service at Guadaloupe, in the
present war," has induced his majesty to dispense with the
condition requiring his residence in Canada."

While General Arnold was in the West Indies, the war
between Great Britain and France was waged with great

1. Manuscript Letter of Dec 29, 1796.

2. Manuscripc Letter of June 1, 1797.

3. Manuscript letter from the Duke of Portland, Secretary of State for the Home
Department, to President Kussell, Canada, dated—

" Whitehall," June 12, 1798, in which he says :

" His (Arnold's) very gallant and meritorious conduct at Gaudeloupe, in the pres-
ent war, has induced his Majesty, iu consequence of the General's situation and that
of his family here, to dispense in this instance, with that part of the Royal instruc-
tions, which would require the residence of the General and that of his family in
the Province.

" You will therefore make out the grants to the General and his family, on the
usual terms and conditions— that of residence alone excepted.

"I am, &c.,

"POKTLAND."

390 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

vigor, and party spirit raged in England with extreme vio-
lence. Great excitement prevailed, and when, in 1798, all
England was arming against the French, the martial spirit
of Arnold was once more thoroughly roused, and he made
a last, most earnest and pressing appeal, through the Duke
of York, for active service. Like an old war-horse when he
hears the sound of the bugle, he was again fired with mili-
tary ardor.

He addressed the following letter to his Royal Highness,
the Duke of York, then commanding the British armies:

"Gloucester Place,
"April 22, 1798.
" Sir:

" At this important crisis, I feel it a duty that I owe both to the pub-
lic and to myself, to offer my services to your Royal Highness in anyway
that I can be most useful to the country.

" I have the honor to be most EespectfuUy, Sir,
" Your Eoyal Highness' most Obedient

' ' And most devoted Humble Servant,

" B. Arnold.'
" His Royal Highness,
" The Duke op York,

"&c., &c., &c."

This appeal was in vain. For reasons already given, he
was apprised that his offer of service could not be accepted,
and he sadly and bitterly realized that he could no longer
hope for active service in the British army.

If there had been any desperate duty involving the most
hazardous personal exposure, any " forlorn hope " to have
been led, he was the man, and in the mood, to have led it
to victory or death. He begged for service in the West
Indies, where unacclimated ofiicers were dying in great num-
bers from disease. He would have gladly welcomed death on
any field of battle. He was now made to feel more keenly

1. The original draft of the letter is before me, furnished by Rev. Edward Glad-
win Arnold.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TKEASON. 391

than ever, tlie full extent of his sacrifice, his blunder and
iiis crime. Returning from an unsuccessful personal appli-
cation at the war-office, he said to his wife, "Thej will not
give me a chance to seek a soldier's death,"

With a crushed heai-t, he felt the utter ruin of all his
ambitious hopes.

" Oh, now, forever,
******

Farewell, the plumed troop, and the big wars,
That make ambition virtue! 0, farewell!
Farewell, the neighing steed, and the shrill trump,
The spirit-stirring drum, the ear piercing fife.
The royal banner, and all quality.
Pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war,
******
Othello's occupation 's gone! "

From this time on to his death, he was a changed man.
He lingered after this blow for about two years, but during
the remainder of his life he was subject to periods of moody
melancholy and deep dejection. He sought excitement in
desperate adventures, to restore his shattered fortunes.

Against the advice and entreaties of his wife, he was active
in fitting out privateers against France, involving large ex-
penditures and great hazards. The little that is known of
the details of these, his last years, is gathered from the
letters of liis wife and children. Whatever indignities he
received abroad, whatever of regret, or remorse he sufiered,
his wife and children did all that was possible to soothe and
comfort a bitterly disappointed and unhappy man ; and in
their perfect union and aflfection, and in their devotion to
liira, he found his best consolation for his many troubles.
His elder sons were being educated at the government mili-
tary school. Earl Cornwallis had already manifested his
kind interest in their behalf.

In December, 1799, Arnold's extreme solicitude to secure
for his sou George, then a lad of twelve, a place in the In-

392 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

dia service, induced liim to write to Lord Cornwallis beg-
ging his further aid.'

This appeal was not in vain. Mrs. Arnold, writing to
her step-sons in Canada, says: " George has lately been ad-
mitted into the Eoyal Academy, through the interest of the
Marquis Cornwallis, and is educating for India."

In one of his northern campaigns in America, between
1775 and 1777, General Arnold became the father of an
illegitimate son. The circumstances of his association with
the mother — how much of romance and sentiment and what
of wrong — are all involved in obscurity. I can only state
that in all the vicissitudes of his life, and amidst all his
changing fortunes, in adversity as well as in prosperity, this
son was never forgotten. Provision was made for his main-
tenance and education, and he was remembered in General
Arnold's will. After his marriage, the conduct of General
Arnold in his domestic relations was without reproach, and
for more than twenty years of married life, his devotion and
fidelity were such as to secure from Mrs. Arnold the utmost
confidence and affection. She always spoke of him as the
best of husbands, and it was an incident of her life, which
illustrates her noble character, that she herself took care

1. The following is the letter of General Arnold :

" London, Dec. 10, 1799.
" My Lord :

'• Nothing but my very great confidence in your Lordship's goodness, which I have
experienced on so many occasions, and my extreme solicitude to make provision
for my son, would induce me to again take the liberty of troubling your Lordship.
"He is extremely anxious to go to India, and having failed in my endeavours to
procure him a writership, he has for some time past been qualifying himself as an
engineer, in which he has made great proficiency, and proposes spending the win-
ter in studying with the master of the Academy at Woolwich, and has no doubt, in
a few months, of procuring their testamonials of his being perfectly qualified for
the situation. Your Lordship was once kind enough to oflfer him a Cadetship to
India, and the offer has lately been repeated by a friend here, which he will accept
provided he can be assured of the respect with which 1 have the honor to be
" Your Lordship's

" Most obedient and humble Servant,

"B. Arnold.
" Lord Cornwallis."
—'Historical Magazine,' Aug., 1870, Vol. VlII, No. 2, p. 110.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 393

that the provision made by her husband in his will, for this
son, was scrupulously carried into effect, even at the expense
of her own more happy and fortunate children.
In May, 1796, writing to her father, Mrs. Arnold says:

" I am extremely impatient for the arrival of your picture, wliicli I hope
is on its way; you could not have bestowed upon me so valuable a gift.'

" Repining is useless, but it is surely a hard lot, to be separated from
all my relations: do not suffer absence to weaken your affection for me,
and believe, that though fate has deprived me of the happiness of con-
tributing to the comfort of your later days, I would sacrifice almost my
life to render them easy and free from care and pain." *

As time passed on, the bitter disappointments, cares and
embarrassments of General Arnold pressed heavily upon
liim, and his strong physique and hardy frame began to
show signs of breaking up. He became more and more the
subject of nervous disease— sleep fled from him, and on the
1-lth of June, ISOl, he died at his residence in London,
aged sixty years. A letter of a friend of the family to Chief
Justice Shippen, gives some details of the event:

" It is the request of my tenderly beloved friend, your deeply afflicted
daughter, that I should inform you of the melancholy change which has
faken place in her situation by the death of her ever dear and honored
husband. General Arnold died on the 14th inst. (June), at half-past six
in the morning. His health has been in a declining state for several
months, but the danger which awaited him his poor wife was not fully
aware of, from the flattering assurances constantly given her by the Phy-
sician who attended. * * *

"My sister and myself were with Mrs. Arnold when her husband ex-
pired, and we shall not be separated from her for some time, and there is
not any attention which friendship and affection can suggest to soothe
and soften her sorrows, which shall be omitted.

" She evinces upon this occasion, as you know she has done upon many
trying ones before, that fortitude and resignation, which a superior and
well-regulated mind only is capable of exerting." *

1. A portrait of Chief Justice Shippen, by Stuart.

2. Manuscript letter from Mrs. A. to her father.

3. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Ann Fitch, to Chief Justice Shippen.

394 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

On the first of July thereafter, Mrs. Arnold wrote to
Richard and Henry, announcing their father's death. She

says:

" Your dear Father, whose long declining state of health you have been
acquainted with, is no more. In him his family have lost an affectionate
husband, Father and friend: and to his exertions to make a provision for
them may be attributed the loss of his life. His last unsuccessful specula-
tion, with the mortification and distress attending it, pressed heavily upon
him. and for many months before his death, he never lay two hours of a
night in his bed, and he had every dreadful nervous symptom, attended
with great difficulty of breathing, that can possiblj' be imagined. I had
flattered myself that a favorable change in his circumstances, which would
restore peace to his mind, and enable him to get a horse, and go into the
country, and resume his favorite exercise of horse- back riding, would
renovate his health, but the wished-for change never took place, but on
the contrary he had heavy demands upon him from different quarters.

" On the 8th of June he became much worse, and suffered greatly for
several days,and on Sunday, the 14th, at halfpast six o'clock in the morning,
expired without a groan. For same days previous to his death he had
but short intervals of reason, when the distressed situation of his family
preyed greatly on his mind, and he was constantly imploring blessings
upon them."^

At the same time, Mrs. Arnold wrote to General Arnold's
sister, Hannah, giving an account of her husband's last sick-
ness and death, and saying that in his last hours, she (the
sister) was not forgotten; and she adds:

"His last moments were embittered by apprehensions of the distress
which you might suffer, if, as he feared, his Estate might be left in a
condition to render the continuance of your pension impossible; but I
assure you that so long as my own pension from the government is paid,
or so long as I have the means from any source, your pension shall be con-
tinued."

It is said that in those varying moments of consciousness
and delirium which often immediately precede death, the
mind is more apt to recall the earlier rather than the later
scenes and incidents of life. This I have reason to believe

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, to Richard and Ilonrj-, dateJ July 1, 801.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 395

was true in the case of General Arnold. It will be remem-
bered that when at West Point, on the morning of his
flight, on hearing of Andre's capture, Arnold was at break-
fast at his head-quarters, on the Hudson. He had expected
"Washington to breakfast with him, and Colonel Hamilton,
the aid of Washington, and otliers were at his table. He
was in the full uniform of a Major-General of the Conti-
nental army. It was in this uniform that he escaped to the
Vulture; it was in this dress (for he had no other clothes
with him) that he arrived in New York.'

This nniform, associated with his military life before his
desertion, he carefully preserved, and took with him to
England. Tradition says, that as death drew near, after
one of those short intervals of reason, "when the distressed
condition of his family preyed greatly on his mind," and
he was, as Mrs. Arnold writes, " imploring blessings upon
liis children," his mind wandered again, and in imagination
he seemed to be fighting his battles over, he called for his
old uniform, and desired to put it on, saying, " Bring me, I
beg you, the epaulettes and sword-knots which Washington
gave me ; let me die in my old American uniform, the uni-
form in which I fought my battles."

" God forgive me," he muttered, " for ever putting on
any other."

Thus, in bitter distress, in self-reproach, in poverty, died
Benedict Arnold.

His example will never produce another traitor! There
is no character in history, nor is there any in poetry or fic-
tion, better calculated to teach and illustrate the beauty and
the wisdom of fidelity, and the infamy and the folly of
treachery, than his. Oh, chief among the virtues, is fidelity
based on integrity. "Faithful to his trust!" "Faithful

1. See his letter to Washington, asking that his clothes might be sent to him,
and offering to pay for them, heretofore quoted.

396 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

nnto death !" " Faitlifnl and true !" These are the no-
blest words in all the legends of chivalry.' General Arnold
did well, after betraying his trust and deceiving Washing-
ton, to erase from his family arms the word " Glory," and
UTite in place of it " Despair.''''

In doing this, he indicated how gladly he would have
washed out his guilt with his own blood.

All Americans have been taught to think of him only as
a traitor. I appeal to a just and generous people to re-
member that he was o, patriot also ; that no one ever shed
his blood more freely for the liberties of his country, and
that it was Washington who declared no more brave, active,
spirited, no more sensible officer " filled any place " in the
Eevolutionary army.

In regard to his character, I have little to add to what has
been said in the progress of this work. As a soldier he
exhibited a superb courage, that was never surpassed, and
which made him the idol of his men. He possessed an en-
durance, a capacity for leadership, an ability for organiza-
tion, a power over men, a fertility of invention, a coolness
in danger, and a quickness of perception, which marked him
as among the best, if not the very best fighting general of
the Eevolutionary war.'^

He was a man of violent passions, and impatient of con-
trol, but towards his friends, his mother, his sister, his wife,
his children, his heart was gentle and most afiectionate, and
he died, as Mrs. Arnold says, a sacrifice to his efibrts in
their behalf, and " imploring blessings " upon them. He
was extravagant and improvident in his habits, but liberal
and generous to his friends. He was proud, and very sensi-

1. " Fidelete est de Dieu."

2. The following extravagant eulogy is by an English writer:

" Arnold displayed more real military genius and inspiration, than all the gener-
als put together, on both sides, engaged in the war, with the most undaunted per-
gonal coni&ge."—Knv Jit's History of England, Vol. I, N. *'.p. 430.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 397

tive to personal wrongs, and I repeat what I said early in
this work, if Washington had been invested with the un-
controlled power of appointments and promotion in his
army, history would never have recorded " traitor'''' opposite
the name of Benedict Arnold.

The following extract from a letter of Mrs. Arnold to
Eichard and Henry, her step-sons, in Canada, written not
long after their father's death, shows the affection which
pervaded the family, and their reverence for his memory.
Speaking of her management of his affairs, she says:

" My conduct has been dictated by regard to you, respect to your dear
Father's memory, and an earnest desire to act with uprightness, feehng
and tenderness. Although I had much to be thankful for during your
Father's lifetime, I had much to struggle with; the solicitude he felt to
make a handsome provision for all his family, often involved him in diffi-
culties, and eventually proved the cause of his death. * * *

" But the solicitude was in itself so praisewox-thy, and so disinterested,
and never induced him to deviate from rectitude, that his children should
ever reverence his memory; and for myself, I am determined in my con-
duct to them, to do everything which I think would be pleasing to him,
could he view the actions of those he has left behind."

It seems that his sons in Canada, in ignorance of their
father's embarrassments, had without much consideration,
uttered some complaints against him, which, when they
came to understand all the facts, pained them, and for which
they bitterly reproached themselves.

Mrs. Arnold's reply to their self-reproaches is so beauti-
ful, and the sentiments expressed so noble, that although in
a private family letter, I cannot forbear quoting a few para-
graphs. She says:

" It is certainly greatly to be regretted, that you so little know your
dear Father's heart, his motives, and emban-assed circumstances, "as to be
induced to write to him in a style to wound and distress him, and now to
cause bitter self-reproach to yourselves — but as the evil is now iiTcmedia-
ble I beg you will not suffer it to corrode your future happiness. We are
all frail mortals, and sincere repentance is the first step to amendment.

398 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

"Your dear Father fo-gave and blessed you. God will accept your
contrition, and I will not only destroy the proofs in my possession, of
your misguided judgment, but will endeavor to attribute it to the distress
of your minds at the time, and as much as possible lose all recollections
of it. It will afford me sincere pleasure to be of service to you, not only as
the children of him whom I loved, but I trust from your future conduct;
at present my means of befriending anybody are but slender, but if I live,
my Father and my sons may enable me better to gratify the feelings of
my heart.

" I am sorry you have had so much to encounter in settling your farms,
and that you are still strugghng with many hardships."

She recommends " perseverance, and in a little while,"
she says, " you will enjoy the fruits of your hard labor. "

She closes this part of her letter by saying, " Should for-
tune smile upon the exertions of my excellent sons, you will
find in them Brothers.'''' ^

This assurance was, as we shall see hereafter, abundantly
verified.

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold to Richard and Henry Arnold.

CHAPTER XXIV.

THE FAMILY OF GENERAL ARNOLD.

"1 have rescued your Father's memory from disrespect by paying all his just
debts."— Jl/rs. Arnold to her children.

Mrs Arnold's Executive Ability— She Settles General Arnold's Estate, and
Pays his Debts— Educates her C hildren, and Procures for her Sons Commis-
sions IN the Army— Her Death— The Arnold Family in Canada—'- Poor
Ben's" Death from a Wound Received in Battle— The Family in England
—ALL the Sons in the Public Service- James Appointed Military Aid to the
King— Attains the Rank of Lieut. General— A Grandson Killed at cebas-

TOPOL.

The extracts from the letters of Mrs. Arnold already
given, and her conduct already detailed, sho-w that with her
aiiectionate heart, her clear good sense, and almost unerring
judgment, she united great executive ability. General
Arnold left his affairs in a very embarrassed and complicated
condition : heavy debts had been pressing upon him, rude
creditors and unscrupulous claimants had been annoying
him, and his means were very limited.

In delicate health, with young children demanding her
care, Mrs. Arnold was now to assume the heavy burden of
settling his estate. In her letter to Kichard and Henry, an-
nouncing their father's death, she says,'

"J shall send you a copy of your Father's vsdll, if I can possibly copy it,
by this opportunity; if not, in a few days; I have not yet proved it, but
shall as soon as I am able to return to town."

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, July 1, 1801.

(399)

400 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

He had made her his executrix, and left his estate in her
hands. She says:

" Your Father was obliged to sell the lease of the house before his
death, to make provisions for the payment of his accepted bills, not having
it in his power to raise the money in any other way. * *

"I have not yet heard from Edward: James is in Egypt (in the army),
exposed to the greatest danger, but he writes in good spirits : your sister
is in great affliction and ill-health. In short, we are a wretched family,
and in addition to our severe loss, we shall have pecuniary distress to
contend with."

I cannot describe the difficulties with which this heroic
woman struggled so well, as by quoting from her own letters.
She had proved the will, and assumed the responsibility of
executrix, and in November, 1802, she writes to Kiciiard
and Henry, saying:

" I have just received your affectionate letters of June 28th, a,nd am
much obliged for the kind concern you express for me and my children.

" I very early informed you, that in undertaking the settlement of the
most troublesome business that ever devolved upon a female, I had not
been actuated in the smallest degree by the hope of benefiting myself or
my children ; that I was induced to do it only from respect to your
Father's memory — the certainty that I could do more justice to others
than any other person could, and the wish to prevent all private letters
from falling into the hands of strangers."

After describing the dangerous effects of her exertions
upon her health, she says:

" But thanks to the goodness of God, I am restored to serenity and
the power of exertion, and I shall perseveringly go on in the arduous task
I have undertaken; the only recompense will be the consciousness that I
have done my duty.

" I have been under the necessity of parting with my furniture, wine,
and many other comforts provided for me by the indulgent hand of affec-
tion; and have by these sacrifices paid all the asceHamed debts, within
a few hundred pounds, and hope to be enabled to discharge the remain-
der, and to pay a part of the legacies, provided a demand to a large
amount, made by a Swede for the detention of his Vessel, is not substan-
tiated. I have a hint that this has been decided against us; if so, I have

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TKEASOX. 401

the mortification of knowing' that neither myself nor my children will
ever have the value of a guinea from their dear Father's property, and
that even the uncommon liberality of my Sons in giving up their pen-
sions for the use of the family, has been of no avail. But these things
are wisely ordained by the Almighty for some good purpose, and His jus-
tice and mercy we cannot doubt. A few months will bring things near
to a close, when I will give you every particular.

" While I have the means of preventing it, I will never suffer the sis-
ter of my husband to want, and shall supply her from my own little in-
come with M hat is necessary for her. I approve highly of her residing
with you in future. * *

'"My dear Edward is one of the most noble of youths; he writes san-
guinely of his prospects in India; from his pay he insists upon taking
upon himself the entire expense of little William's education; he had.
before made over his pension irrevocably to his sister. Dear James is
equally generous and disinterested, and is now living with great dithculty
upon his pay, that his pension may be appropriated to the use of the fam-
ily. My dear girl is all that is amiable and excellent, and George and:
William promise fair to emulate the example of their elder brofchei-s.
Such children compensate for a thousand ills."

In the same letter she writes in regard to tlie lands in
Canada, which had been granted to General Arnold and his
larailj. He had authorized his sons, Richard and Henrj,
to locate these lands, an authority confirmed by Mrs. Ar-
nold after her husband's death. She now asks them " to
do everything in their power to get them located in the best
situations and on the best terms possible. " All necessary
expenses I will thankfully repay."

" Your poor Father thought these lands an object, and expended a
great deal of interest and trouble in procuring them. Everything de-
pends on their judicious location. * * *

" I am now living in a very small house in Bryanston Street, using
furniture purchased from Carlow (a servant), who is now a more inde-
pendant woman than her mistress. * * * jyjy father is very
good to me; but for his aid, I should have suffered still more wretched-
ness. He and my Sisters are very desirous of my going to reside with
them, but my anxiety to get your little brothers on in life, ■will deprive'
me of this gratification. I have placed Gaorge at the New Koyal Mili-
tary College, to which he was appointed (through the interest of the
26

402 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

Marquis Comwallis) by the India Company, who will pay half the ex-
penses of his education, he being designed for their Service. It is a most
excellent Seminary, and embraces every part of education necessary to
to form the soldier and the gentleman.

" I shall write to your aunt by this packet." '

In another letter she Ba,j&:

" I have been so fortunate, through the interest of the Marquis Com-
wallis, to get George into the Royal Military College, nominated by the
East India Company, who defray half the expense, which is ninety guineas
per annum. They (the boys) are taught everything that can form the
soldier and the gentleman, riding, fencing, and every other accomplish-
ment, with the Oriental languages, which is very important, and brings
them into much notice.

"George's character stands very high."

In Jniy, 1803, this admirable mother writes to her "• Dear
Sons" in Canada, saying: "I have written yon very fully
respecting the Canada lands, and sent yon a power of attor-
ney to act in the bnsiness." She speaks of her greatly im-
paired health, and says she was to " have a consultation of
Physicians two days hence. * * * "

" God knows how it (her disease) will terminate; I am endeavouring to
prepare my mind for the worst, but when I reflect upon the unprotected
s'^ate of my children, whose welfare so greatly depends upon my exer-
tions for them, I am almost deprived of that fortitude so essential to my
own support. * * *

" I have from time to time given you an account of your dear Father's
affairs. I have nearly accomplished what I am convinced no other per-
■son could have done — the payment of all the just debts.

" 1 have lately had several demands made upon me en account of the
Vile Privateers, which I know not whether I can resist, or even if they
are just.

" The claim of the Swede for the detention of his vessel and total loss
of his cargo, is in the Court of Admiralty.

" You can form not the smallest idea of the trouble and perplexity in
which I have been involved. The only reward is, the having saved you
from distress, and the gratification of having paid all your dear Father's
just debts, so that no reflection on that score can ever be cast upon his
memory.

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, Nov. 5, 1802,

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TEEASON. 403

" I am uneasy at not hea,ring from your aunt for a long time; I am
fearful she may be in distress for money. I have written repeatedly to
her, and requested her to draw on me for twenty-four pounds, which I
will endeavor to allow her annually.

" I have heard lately from Edward, who had just bad a severe action
with the array of one of the native chiefs. James is now on his passage
to the West Indies; George is at the Royal Military school, and if I live,
will go to the East Indies next year. Your sister is with me, and little
William goes to the school at which all his brothers were educated."^

In a letter written the same year to her sons in Canada,

she says:

" I feel gratified by your affectionate anxiety for me, and am happy to
have it in my power to relieve it, by assuring you that I am infinitely bet-
ter, and thank God, restored to a good degree of comfort. * * A variety
of the most agonizing scenes, followed by a press of the most harrassing
business, had nearly subdued that fortitude which never before forsook
me.

" The excellence of my children is a never- failing source of delight to
me, and the kindness I experience from my friends, tends to make me
much less sensible of the material change in my situation.

" The situation of your dear Father's affairs has made it necessary for
me to have the most trifling article disposed of, or valued and paid for by
myself — this has extended even to his clothing."

" The Swede has not withdrawn his claim — but does not press it with
much vigor."

After speaking in detail of all her children, she says, "No
mother was ever more blessed in good children than I am."

" I shall send you by Mr. Morley some of your dear Father's hair, his
seal with his Arms, and sleeve-buttons, knee and stock-buckles, &c., &c.,
which as having been long worn by him, will I doubt not be valued by you. ' '

In August, 1803, Mrs. Arnold writes,"! have the greatest satisfaction
in informing you that the long pending Admiralty cause of the Swedish
ship is decided, and in our favor. Their claim was for the loss of the
ship, cargo, and two years' detention. Had they succeeded, ten times the
property I have would not have satisfied their demand."

She adds, "Upon this decision everything depended, and until it was
given, it was impossible to bring the business to a close."

After speaking in detail of her difficulties, she adds:

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, July 27, 1803.

404 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

" Although I have suffered, in my choice of evils, almost beyond
human endurance, I now repent not at having made it.

" To you I have rendered an essential service; I have rescued your
Father's memory from disrespect, by paying all his just debts; and his
Children will now never have the mortification of being reproached with
his speculations having injured anybody beyond his own family; and his
motives, not the unfortunate termination, will be considered by them,
and his memory will be doubly dear to them.

' ' It has been a dreadful business, and minute as I have been in my
detail, it is quite impossible for you to form an idea of what I have had
to encounter, besides the sacrifice of all my accustomed comforts. I have
not even a tea-spoon, a towel, or a bottle of wine, that I have not paid
for. But having nearly completed my graat work, I was beginning to
enjoy some degree of comfort, to which however my ill health is a great
interruption.

" And now to the important business of the Canada lands. I am
very glad to hear that the difficulty of the grant is overcome — more par-
ticularly as I understand, that if they are judiciously located they will
certainly be of considerable value." '

The letters above quoted, from Mrs. Arnold to Richard
and Henry, speak more eloquently than any words I could
use, of her most estimable character.

In some earlier letters she referred most affectionately
on several occasions to "Poor Ben," General Arnold's oldest
son. On his father's defection, he, as well as Richard and
Henry, although so young, received commissions from the
British government. Benedict saw active service as an
officer in the artillery. He died October 24th, 1795, at Iron
Shore, on the north side of the island of Jamaica, in the
West Indies, aged twenty-seven years. He had been se-
verely wounded in the leg, in a recent action, and refusing
to have the leg amputated, the wound resulted in his
death.

In a letter of Mrs, Arnold to Richard, written after the
General's death, she says: "I shall send, when a good op-
portunity occurs, some few things belonging to your Father;

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. A.ruold, dated Clay-HaU, Old Windsor, Aug. 1803,

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 405

also your poor brother Ben's sword, wbicli Sir Grenville
Temple brought from the West Indies, and gave to your
Father." '

Both Richard and Henry were commissioned as lieuten-
ants of cavalry in the American Legion, raised by their
father in 1780, as before stated, and afterwards received
from the British government half-pay as retired officers.

Richard married Margaret Weatherhead, daughter of
Samuel "Weatherhead, Esq., of Augusta, Upper Canada,
December 30th, 1804, and left a large and highly respecta-
ble family O'f sons and daughters.

Henry, the third son of General Arnold by his first wife?
married Hannah Ten Eyck, daughter of Richard TenEyck,
of New York, December 4th, 1796. He died in the city
of New York, Dec. 8th, 1826, and left a respectable family.

Hannah, their aunt, and the only sister of General Ar-
nold, as has been stated, spent the later years of her life
with her nephews Henry and Richard, and died at the house
of Henry, at Montigue, Canada, August 81st, ISOS.""

She was unusually tall, of a very graceful figure, blonde
hair, with bluish gray eyes. She was a woman of much
more than ordinary ability, high-spirited, warm-hearted
and sincere, faithful to her friends, and devotedly attached
to her brother and his children;' she was a staunch Presby-
terian, and that was the religion of the family, until the

1. Manuscript letter of Mrs. Arnold, 1802.

As an illustration of the injustice done to Arnold and his family, and visiting
" the sins of the father upon the children," Sabine, in his " Loyalists of the Ameri-
can Revolution," speaking of the eldest son, says : " Benedict was an officer of ar-
tillery in the British army, who, it is believed, was compelled to quit the service."
—Vol. I, p. 182.

And even Mr. Sparks says, " He was a violent, headstrong youth, and it is supposed
came to an untimely end." —Sparks' Life of Arnold, p. 10.

" Poor Ben," as Mrs. Arnold calls him, was not compelled to quit the service ; he
may have come to an " untimely end," but it was from a wound received in battle.

2. Records of Family of Henry Arnold.

3. Manuscript Letter of Rev. J. L. Leake.

408 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

marriage of General Arnold with Miss Sliij^pen, who be-
longed to the Anglican Church; after this marriage, he and
all his family by his second wife, became members of the
English Episcopal Church.

Mrs. Arnold, who after tlie death of her husband, seemed
to cling to life only that she might serve her children, had
the pleasure of seeing her son George fitted out for the In-
dia service; so that all her children, except her daughter and
the lad William, were provided for and settled in life. She
died in London, August 24, 1804, aged forty-four years.

There is a portrait of her, and of her oldest son when a
child, by Sir Thomas Lawrence, showing that the tradi-
tions of her extraordinary beauty, did her no more than
justice.

This admirable woman was, it seems to me, an almost
perfect wife and mother, and I cannot discover that she ever
did an act, or wrote a word, that would bring a blush to the
cheek of the most sensitive American. On the contrary,
in the circles in which she moved, and in the difficult posi-
tion she occupied as the wife of General Arnold, she bore
herself with a dignity and grace, and with a modesty, sin-
cerity and truth, of which any people might be justlj-
proud.

Those who have read her letters will have learned some-
thing of her character, and I hazard nothing in saying that
the reader will agree with me that the charge made by
Aaron Burr, that Mrs. Arnold seduced her husband to his
fall, is untrue.

General Arnold left surviving him by his second w^ife
four sons and one daughter. The three older sons, Edward
Shippen, James Robertson, and George, were at the time of
Mrs, Arnold's death, in the public service; and the young-
est, William, was at school preparing himself for the life
of a soldier, so that Mrs. Arnold left a family of soldiers.

HIS PATKIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 407

A brief sketch of tlieir lives and the life of their sister,
Sophia Matilda, and some extracts from family letters, illus-
trative of their characters, will, I think, be interesting.

The eldest, Edward Shippen, born in Philadelphia, 19th
of March, 1780, and on the birth of whom General and
Mrs. Arnold, received the congratulations of General and
Lady Washington,' commenced his military life as Lieuten-
ant in the 6tli Bengal cavalry, lie was promoted to the
position of paymaster, and disbursed, with the utmost
iidelity and scrupulous care, immense sums of money. He
died at Dinapoor, Bengal, Dec. 17,1813.

llis moral character was without a stain : he was un-
wearied in acts of beneficence. In the fearful famine, which
prevailed in the J^orthern India provinces, while he was in
India, the wealth which his industry, capacity, and provi-
dence had accumulated, his generous liberality induced him
to dispenes freely among the suffering people of Muttra, on
whom he bestowed secretly large sums, in food, through the
agency of a native : and so unostentatiously was this done,
that it w^as not known to his friends and family until after
his death.^

The beauty of his domicstic character, and his devotion to
his mother, his brothers and sister, fully aijpears in the
family correspondence.

James Bohertson, born in l^ewYork, August 28th 1781,
married March 21st 1807, Virginia Goodrich, fourth daugh-
ter of Bartlett Goodrich, Esq., of Saling Grove, Isle of Wight.
He entered the Corps of Royal Engineers in 1798, and served
as an officer for more than half a century, rising by merit
to the rank of Lieutenant-General. He served through all
the wars of England against France, at the close of the last
and early part of the present century. In 1800 he was

1. Letter of Washinpfton to Arnold, March '.'Sth, 1780.

2. Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold— Manuscript letter.

408 LIFE OF BENEDICT AKXOLD.

present and in active service at the blockade and surrender
of Malta. In 1801 lie participated in tlie campaign inEgypt.'

He was engaged in the capture of Aboukir Castle, in the
battle of Alexandria, and the expulsion of the French from
Grand Cairo. Afterwards he served in the West Indies, and
took part in the conquest of the colonies of Demerara,
Essequibo, Berbice, and Surinam. At Surinam he success-
fully led the storming party against the redoubt Frederic and
Fort Leyden. An incident connected with the storming of
this redoubt has been told by a connection of Lieutenant
General Arnold, the truth of which, although I cannot vouch
for, I have no reason to doubt.

When the British commander determined to storm the
redoubt, knowing the extreme danger which would be en-
countered by the attacking party, and unwilling to order
his officers to almost certain death, he called for volunteers
to lead the assault. Several young officers volunteered, and
among tliem Arnold; and before the selection was made, he
said to the commander: "I claim the privilege of leading
this assault. J^o braver man tlian my father ever lived, but
you know how bitterly he has been condemned for his con-
duct at West Point; permit me, I beg you, to do what I can
to redeem the same."

The command was given to him; he led it gallantly and
successfully, displaying all that impetuous courage which
had so distinguished his father. He received a very severe
wound in the leg — but the redoubt and fort were taken.'

For his gallantry he was honorably mentioned in the dis-
patches, and was presented by the committee of the patriotic
fund with a sword of the value of £100 pounds. He served
several years in Bermuda, and commanded the Engineers
in British iN^orth America.

1. Illustrated London News, January, 1855.

2. See Illustrated London News, January, 1853.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 409

On the accession of King William tlie IV. to the throne,
General Arnold was appointed one of his Majesty's aides-
de-camp. He was created a knight of the Hanoverian
Guelphic Order, and Knight of the Crescent. Ko soldier
was ever more sensitive to anything affecting his honor. He
felt most keenly and painfully the stain upon his name.
"When at St. Johns, in British North America, he visited
the house in which his father had lived, and it is said he
" wept like a child." *

He kept up a most affectionate correspondence with his
mother's family in America, and expressed a desire to visit
them, but was prevented by his knowledge of the intense
feeling against his father. To one of his mother's family in
Philadelphia, writing from Malta, in 1806, he says:

' Although a stranger, my heart is with you. Much of the unbounded
attachment of my lamented Mother for her family was instilled into her
children, and there is nothing to which I look forward with more pleasure
than to being with you once again. I do propose to visit America a
very few years hgnce, if after the long period that has elapsed, former
circumstances are sufficiently obliterated to render it proper." =*

He died without issue, on the 27th of December, 1854, at
his residence, in Onslow Square, London.' He is said to
have resembled his father in personal appearance.

George^ born at St. Johns, New Brunswick, September
5th, 1787, married Anne Martinez Brown, and died in In-
dia, November 1st, 1828, hoLiing at the time of his death
the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in the 2nd Bengal cavalry.
It is said that he was named by his father, George, after
George "Washington, his early, and George the Third, his
later friend.

William Fitch, born in London, June 25th, 1794. Mar-

1. Sabine's Loyalists, Vol. I, p. 180.

2. It will be recollected he was born in New York.

3. Manuscript Letter from his nephew, Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold.

410 LIFE OF BENEDICT AENOLD.

ried May 19tli, 1819, Elizabeth Cecilia, only daugliter of
Alexander Euddock, Esq., of ToLago, and captain in the
Eoyal navy, William was a captain in the 19th Royal
Lancers, and justice of the peace for the county of Buck-
inghamshire. His residence and countrj^ seat was Little
Messenden Abbey, in Bucks. He left six childi-en, two sons
and four daughters. One of his sons, the Eev. Edward
Gladwin Arnold, married April 27th, 1852, Lady Char-
lotte, daughter of the Marqnis of Cholmondelay. William
Trail, the second son, was a captain in the 4th (King's
Own) regiment of foot, in the British army. He served
with great distinction in the war in the Crimea, in 1854-5.
He was in the battles of the Alma, Inkerman, and served
with his regiment before Sebastopol during the severe and
terrible winter of 1854-5.

" He met his death in the following manner: He was in command of
his regiment in the advanced trenches on the night of May 5th, 1855,
when his duty was to post double sentinels in advance of the advanced
trenches, and this was not done until it was nearly dark. He had posted
all but six men, and was advancing with them and a sergeant, when a
picket of Russians, some thirty or forty, it was said, which had been ly-
ing in wait for him under a hillock, rose up and fired a volley at him,
when he was but a few yards from them. He cried out to his men,
'Fire and retire,' and fell to the earth, saying, '0, God! I am killed '
The men made the best of the way back to the Trenches, when the next
officer in command advanced the regiment in the hope of recovering his
body, but though they found the exact spot where he fell, he had been
carried into Sebastopol.

" Lord Raglan sent in a flag of truce, but all that could be learned was,
' Captain Arnold died the same night he was wounded, in Sebastopol.' "

Lord Raglan, the Commander-in-chief, in his dispatches. May 8th, 1855,
speaks as follows: "On the same night Captain Arnold, of the 4th Foot,
was wounded and taken prisoner while posting the advance sentries on
the left. The loss of the services of this officer is greatly to be lamented.
He has done his duty unremittingly, and in the most spirited manner
throughout the operations of the siege.'^

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 411

" He was a fine fellow, in every way, and had all the energy
and spirit of bis grandfather." '

Soj)hia Matilda^ daughter of General Arnold, was born
in London, July 28tb, 1TS5; she was married April 17th,
1813, at Mnttra, in Bengal, to Captain, afterwards Lieuten-
ant Colonel, Pownall Phipps, of the Mulgrave family,
Knight of the Crescent, &c.

She was distinguished for her beauty, her culture, and
her marked religious character. She died in Sunbury, Eng-
land, June 10th, 1828."

I will now give a few extracts from the correspondence
of the family, illustrative of the characters of its members.
These extracts might be verj- largely increased, as the cor-
respondence is voluminous, and runs through many years.

On the 23d of May, 1806, James Robertson, writing from
iBarbadoes to his grandfather, Chief Jus'.ice Shippen, speaks
of having been in the West Indies "nearly three years,
during which time," he says, "I have been tolerably well
employed. The fortunes of war, will, I trust, shortly permit
me to return to England, for w^hicli I am more particularly
anxious on my darling sister's account." He laments hav-
ing been prevented "from embracing these dear relations,
whose love and affection," he says, " would have cheered
the dreary hours of my life,"

" I never cease to pray God to bless and protect tliem. Assure them
all, my dear Sir, of these sentiments, the extent of which 1 am ill able

1. Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold.

The following notice, tHken from the Leicester Advertiser, England, of July 21,
18i5, shows how he was regarded by his comrades :

'• Amongst the fearful list of losses and casualties to which our army in the Cri-
mea is exposed, I lately read, with feelings of mingled sorrow and regret, the name
of Captain William Trail Arnold, of the 4th King's Own Regiment, who was, whilst
commanding a skirmishing party before Sebastopol, severely wounded, and taken
prisoner on the 5ih of May last, and died of his wounds a few hours after."
************

2. For the dates and facts in relation to the descendants of General Arnold, in
England, I am indebted to his grandson, the Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold.

412 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

to express, and entreat them sometimes to think of me, who often, very
often thinks of, and prays for them.

" My sister will probably remain in Devonshire Place, * * till my
return, when I hope to form some scheme for our living together, and for
making her as happy and comfortable as my fondest wishes have desired.

"Poor girl! she has felt and still feels most keenly the loss of our best
of mothers. But I will try to heal the wound. Whatever fraternal love
can devise, shall not be wanting to soothe her, and I trust God will
crown my endeavors with success. She is as truly good and amiable as
the tenderest love can wish, and my heart swells with gratitude _to Al-
mighty God for having given me such a sister.

" My dear Brothers in India, Edward and George, are doing extremely
well, and in a fair way of promotion. They are an honor to their name
and family. Little William is at School, and Sophia tells me improving
fast.

"The establishment in life of that poor little orphan shall be one of my
chief cares, and I am determined he shall never feel the want of those ad-
vantages which his brothers have enjoyed. He shall have the choice, as
we had, of his profession, which I think from all 1 hear, will be that of a
soldier.

"We are very dull here. — No laurels I fear for the West India army."

He speaks enthusiastically of Lord Nelson, and says: "If heroes are
entitled to a seat in Heaven he (Nelson) must be there."

Of Napoleon he says:

" One would imagine that the repeated Naval defeats the usurper has
sustained would have checked his ardor; it seems, however, only to have
inflamed it. While he exists Europe can expect no tranquility. His
ambition knows no bounds. * * I trust the Almighty will not suffer
much longer this scourge to desolate the world.

*********

" I heartily pity the poor old King. His has been an eventful and far
from happy reign. It will be long, I fear, before the nation will recover
the loss of those three great men — Pitt, Nelson and CornwaUis.

"Pray, my dear Grand-Father, allow me the happiness of hearing from
you, and may God forever bless you." '

The two older brothers, Edward Shippen, in the East
Indies, and James Robertson, in the West Indies, found
their strongest motive to action in their orphan sister and
little brother in England.

1. Manuscript letter in possession of Edward Shippen, Esq., of Philadelphia.

HIS PATEIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 413

In 180G, Edward was at Malta, and on receiving intelli-
gence of the death of Chief Justice Shippen, and that his
grand-children in England were legatees, writes on the 19th
of September to one of the family of his mother, in Phila-
delphia.

After acknowledging tlie receipt of the " melancholy
intelligence of dear Grand-father's death," etc., he adds:

"The Will, of which you have enclosed a Copy, appears to have been
made upon principles of the greatest kindness towards us all. We are
all too much attached to our dear Sophia to feel otherwise than highly
gratified that she should have been thus handsomely provided for.

" I think it right, both as a guide to your conduct, in a situation which
you will perhaps feel as rather delicate, and as a proper mark of respect
to my nearest remaining relatives, to give you as much knowledge as
possible of our respective views and prospects. Sophia's income, arising
from her pension and property, exclusively her own, was about £250 a
year, to which was added £100 from my Grand-Father. James, George
and myself had relinquished in her favor our pensions, each netting £->0,
and I had in addition to this, directed my agents to pay to her use £200
a year if she required it, either for herself or for defraying the expenses
of William's education. These latter sums, however, she did not seem
disposed to appropriate to herself, while we had yet our fortunes to make;
but had formed very prudent arrangements for living and educating Wil-
liam without much exceeding the two former. What must now devolve
to her will, I should hope, not only compensate for the loss of her allow-
ance from my Grand-Father, but add also so considerably to her income,
as to prevent her having occasion for that assistance which she was so
delicate in accepting.

" James is now well advanced in an advantageous line of his profes-
fion, and with his pension, and a full quarter share of what is to be dis-
tributed among us, will be well provided for. George has also been very
fortunate in this country. He has a good standing in the service, and
every prospect of returning to England after a moderate number of years,
with an Independance. I have hitherto been particularly successful, hav-
ing had the charge for the last ten months of Deputy Field Pay-master
to the troops on this establishment, and as my conduct has hitherto been
approved by the government, I have every prospect of being confirmed
in this situation, and of realizing in a few years enough to satisfy my
moderate wishes. WiUiam, in short, only remains to be provided for,
and he has of his own about £1,300 or £1,400. This it was my inten-

414 LIFE OF BENEDICT AEIs^OLD.

tion to have made up by a loan of £3,000 — so that a writership to this
country (India) might be purchased for him. George and myself greatly
wish that from our shares his may be made up to a sum sufficient to ef-
fect this purpose and to pay his outfit. Should this plan require the
whole (of our shares) we willingly reUnquish them. * * *

"I cannot close without expressing how much regret I feel in being
known by name only to those near relatives with whom other men have
an opportunity of forming the most endearing connections of life."

On the 12tli of November, 1806, lie writes to the same
person, saying:

" The Government have now perminently appointed me a Deputy Pay
Master to the troops, with a very large district on the frontier. It is a
situation of peculiar responsibility and trouble, involving a disbursement
of nearly a million sterling a year. « * * Jt affords me a certain
prospect of a moderate independence at the end of five or six years more.

* * It was given me by the Commander-in-chief, after serving three
campaigns with him, and confirmed by the Governor-General after a
year's trial.

" William is now at the preparatory school to the College, where all
the civil servants of the company are educated.

" My brother George is well, and is succeeding beyond most young men
of his age in India."

On the 25th of October, 1813, William writes to Richard his half-
brother in Canada, saying " Sophia is married to Captain Phipps, of the
East India company's service. It is a most desirable match; he is a rela-
tion to Lord Mulgrave, and a nephew to Mr. Tierney,^ a very fine young
man, and extremely well-oif in pecuniary matters. Edward and George
were in good health, and coming on well."

On the 30th of July, 1823, Sophia (Mrs. Phipps) writes to
her uncle Burd, saying,

" William has bouglit a small freehold Estate, Little Messendon Abbey,
in Bucks, and is residing quietly there with his wife and three children.
We are to pay them a visit, when we leave Bath."

On the 16th of August, 1814, James writes to his broth-
ers Richard and Henry, communicating intelligence of the
death of his brother Edward. He says:

"He died on the 17th of December last at Dinapore, on his way to
Calcutta.

1. Member of Parliament.

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TKEASOX. 415

"To tell you how miserable this event has made me would be impossi-
ble, but you may judge of my feelings, when you reflect that we were
brought up together and always loved each other with the most tender
affection. * * j g^^^ really happy to inform you of poor Edward's
affectionate recollection of you both. He has left you each £500 sterling.
* * God bless and prosper you, my dear brothers, and may it
be long, very long, before we have to deplore the loss of another of our
family."

On the 7tli of August, 1815, James writes again to his
brothers in Canada, saying:

" You will be pleased to learn that I have obtained the important step
of Lieutenant Colonel in my Corps. I have more than ever cause to be
thankful to our dear Parents and our lamented Brother Edward, by
whose advice I came into the Engineers. If they had been spared to
witness the result of their exertions for me, my feelings on this occasion
would have been delightful indeed. But all is for the best, and we have
no right to doubt the goodness and wisdom of that kind Providence who
grants or withholds, as He knows to be right. If prosperity and the
completion of all our worldly desires make us happier, they do not always
make us the better or more deserving; adversity, and those disappoint-
ments which mankind call cruel, and which appear so at the time, seldom
fail to teach us that it is not here we are to look for happiness; that
though we may enjoy it for a time, it cannot last, and that it is only by
endeavoring to do our duty that we can expect to attain it in the state to
which we are all ha-stening. This conviction must check unmeasured
joy, and must console us in the most tiying afflictions.

"As to the Land (the Canada land), a few years may make it of
some value, and I shall let it take its chance, as far as 1 am concerned.
I wish we could stick it on to some part of old England, and bring you and
your family over with it. It would be of some value with the timber on
it. * * *

" I should have liked to have shared in the glory of the late campaign,
but having missed that, care very little where I go next. You will have
heard before this can reach you, of that noble but bloody affair, the bat-
tle of Waterloo. The French are completely humbled, but I doubt the
flame being extinguished. I hope the Allies will make them suffer a
little more before they leave them. # * *

" You will see what a complete change we have recently had in our ad-
ministration, and I hope things will now go on better. The Duke of Wel-
lington is a straight-forward, honorable fellow, without any humbug. 1
have seen a great deal of him since I have been stationed at Dover, and
have received much kindness and attention from him. * * "

416 LIFE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD.

On the 12th of August, 1836, James was Aide-de-Camp
to King William tlie lY., and was still stationed at Dover,
England. His half-brother Richard had w^ritten to him,
soliciting aid in obtaining some a23pointment, to which he
replies:

" You are mistaken, my dear Eicliard, as to the influence you seem to
imagine the officers on the Kings's staff have with him. The only aide-
de-camp constantly about his person is the principal one, Sir Herbert
Taylor, and he has much influence. The others, with perhaps few excep-
tions, have little intercourse with his majesty, excepting on occasions of
State, or other duties. There are certain privileges attached to the
appointment, but though it brings us all more in the occasional presence
of his majesty, more in contact with him through other officers, it gives
no claim to his confidence, beyond what he may see fit to giant. The
ministers of the crown are the heads through whom all chiefly look for
the accomplishment of such objects as our friend Jones had in view. * *

" I wish you fully to understand the appointment of King's aid-de-camp
though purely military, has always been considered most enviable and
desirable, and to be conferred as a mark of Royal approbation of conduct.
1 value it most highly. You give me the title of ' Sir, ' to which I have no
right. Remember, I am plain ' Colonel.' I hope you will soon be able
to sell some more of our land to advantage.

" God bless you all — Virginia unites with me in kindest love — ever my
dear Richard,

" Your affectionate Brother, &c."

On the 23d of June, 1837, James writes from the " United
Service Club, London," to his brother Eichard, and &£ijs,->

" I have recently been appointed to the command of the Engineer
Department in Ireland. * * * *

" The command is considered the most important we have, and I ex-
pect to be placed as a Colonel on the Staft', which will make it much
more agreeable. * * * * *

" I understand Phipp's boy is grown a very fine stout fellow. I won-
der at his choosing to settle in Ireland, and in such a county, too, as Tip-
perary! But he tells me they get on well there.

" As to William * * he has a very pretty place in Buckingham-
shire, and has been made a Magistrate, which gives him some impor-
tance in the County. * * * »

HIS PATRIOTISM AND HIS TREASON. 417

"Pray tell me what prospect there is of selling our land. I wish we
could dispose of it to tolerable advantage, and that I believe to be the
wish of the family generally. No doubt it may be more valuable ten
years hence, but then we may not be here to enjoy the benefit of it!

"Pray, doendfavorto sell whenever anything like fair opportunity
offer. * * * * * *

"llie death of our excellent King has cast much gloom over London.
He will long be deeply and sincerely lamented, and I, for one, feel that
in him I have lost an excellent friend. I had the honor of dining with
him at Brighton last February, and had an audience the next morning
of nearly an hour. *****

"The young Queen (Victoria) appears to have given much satisfaction,
and to promise all we can expect from her. But it is a serious and
heavy charge for a girl of eighteen ! * * *

" You shall know how we get on in Ireland. *

" God bless you and all your family, my dear Richard! I trust you will
enjoy many happy years, and that we may yet meet in this world, before
we are summoned to a better. The next Brevet wdll most probably make
me a Major- General, and I cannot doubt that when s/ert?n traveling comes
more fully into play, I may feel disposed to take another trip across the
Atlantic."

These extracts miglit be contiiined, but enougli have been
given to show the character of the family, and the generous
affection they all entertained for each other. The letters
indicate, what I learn from other sources, that all the sons
and the daughter were of marked religious character. An
English correspondent, who knew the family, says: "The
sons of General Arnold could not but be brave, and the sons of
Margaret Shi])pen could not be other than gentlemen, and
her daughter a gentlewoman."
27

APPEI^DIX.

The following paper was drawn up by Gen. Arnold at the
request of the King. Its exact date I am unable to give.
It is the original draft, with some interlineations, erasures
and alterations, and apparently somewhat incomplete, and
is all in his hand-writing, and was liirnislied to me by his
grandson, the Rev. Edward Gladwin Arnold:

"THOUGHTS ON THE AMERICAN WAR— BY AN AMERICAN-
(GEN. A.) 1782.

•'Great Britain was deceived at the Commencement of the American
troubles, when she trusted to what some wrote: that the Discontents
were confined to a small faction. Her measures thus became inadequate
to her Ends. A great majority of America was at first in the opposition,
tho' not all for arming. There are those who now allege that she has
few or no Friends in America; and if they are believed, she will be a
second time and more fatally deluded. Such accounts should be listened
to with great jealousy, because they proceed from Ignorance or bad de-
signs, and lead to despair; and the severance of the Empire will be the
ruin of it, and of eveiy part of it.

" That a great Majority of the Americans are averse from the Separa-
tion, is a Truth supported by every kind of Proof of which the Subject
is capable, and nothing is so easy as to detect the Fallacy of the Reasons
assigned for doubting it. It appears to be a Pai'odox to some, how a
Minority can maintain the Usurpation in a Government that is democrat-
ical. The solution is this : When the Republics were first formed, the
Majority were in Favor of them, and disarmed the Rest; they did more —
they enacted laws to incapacitate them from holding Offices, or voting
lor others, for they made it a pre-requisite to both, that the King's
Authority should be abjured. No Loyalist can do that.
(419)

420

APPENDIX.

" It is a Demonstration that the Friends of tlie Restoration are most
numerous, if the fact be admitted that the Elections are everywhere at-
tended by a minority; and this has been the case ever since the Over-
tures of 1778. If it was not believed to be so, how should we account for
the resort of so many Thousands to the King's Lines? What induces
them to quit their Estates, Families and Friends, and risk their own
Lives? It would be the greatest of all Paradoxes to find them staking
everything dear to them, upon their preference of the Eoyal Cause to the
Congressional Protection, if they knew the latter to be supported by the
general voice. You will hear, indeed, of Diversities in the Proportions
of Whig and Tory at different Places, and the accounts would be false
if they were not various; but every informer, from whatever District he
comes, brings the Intelligence that his Townsmen or Countrymen are in
the main for the Restoration, and that their Numbers daily increase.
Nothing can more strongly confirm this Testimony than the Conduct of
the Party in the saddle, and the conditions of their affairs.

"It was because the Non-concurrence of the multitude was appre-
hended, that they were not consulted on the Proprieti/ of declaring the
Independence in 1776, nor on the Confederation to authorize foreign alli-
ances in 1777, nor on the Rejection of the British Overtures in 1778.
Every one of these Events actually made accessions to the Number of
the Loyalists, and frittered down the Independent Party to a proportion-
able Diminution, The minority increased in Cruelty as they lessened in
Numbers, and the Barbarities begot by their fears, disgusting others, and
working with general Calamities, the Zealots, at this day for protracting
the War, are really become a very small Proportion of the Continent.
America is a country of husbandmen, and tho' this class has felt the bur-
then of Military Service, 'tis but now they find cause to repine under the
Load of their Taxes, which are tenfold greater than they were before the
War, and are daily increasing, the scaxcity of Specie, having reduced the
Peace Price of their stinted Productions nearly one-half— Wheat being at
4s. a Bushel.

" If it is thought 'an Objection that the War would not have been so
unsuccessful, if our Friends were so numerous; but that in the several
ExperimentsTor penetrating the Country, they would have flocked to the
British Standard; and that consequently the truth is, that the Rebels
are everywhere an inveterate Majority, and the Loyalists few and timid,
as Earl Cornwallis has asserted. I reply that this Timidity should be
called Diifidence; and arises from causes easily to be removed by a change
in the Conduct of the War, which the American Loyalists have all along
disapproved. It would be a tedious and invidious Task to indulge in
particular remarks, upon the Inactivity and Misdirection of the King's

APPENDIX. 421

Arms; I leave it to others, for a few important Observations to finisli with
the objection I have started.

" Has any attempt been made to set up the Civil Authority in any Part
of America, where the usurpation was beaten down? Certainly not— and
till this is attended to, the Loyahsts in general will not, nor indeed can
give any essential assistance to the Royal Arms. I have said they will
not because they are Englishmen. Nay, an American Husbandman will
no sooner quit his farm and family to become a common Soldier at Six
Pense a Day Wages with rations, than an Enghsh Gentleman of £500 a
year in the funds. He will not lend his hand to erect a Military Misrule
over himself and his Friends, and put all his Property at the Discretion of
an Arbitrary Police, that has cut the throat of the Kin'jr's Interest when-
ever it has been set up. He has, however, no objection to serve in the
Militia within his own colony, under officers who are of it; and to assist
in supporting its government and defending himself in it; and may per-
haps pursue the Rebel out of it, or meet him on a Menaced Invasion near
the Borders. But for this purpose the Civil Authority of the Crown must
first be set up; and without it. Great Britain (the American being what
he is) can neither be benefited by his Councils, his Purse, nor his Arms.
He will be passive while under the Power of the Usurpers; and when
they are flying before the King's troops, continue if he can at home, giv-
ing aid to neither Party, and certainly not oppose the Royal Army, if he
finds it possible to avoid it; and in short, behave in the manner Lord
Cornwallis experienced, distrusting both the strength of his Army, to
give Protection, and what is worse, to afford the Protection of the Laws
of the Land.

" In a war of Posts, therefore, connected with the plan of subjecting the
Country to Military Policy, the whole ivoi'k must be ijerformed h/ the
King's Troops; and if this is impracticable, it is a very good reason for
adopting a new mode, but no evidence at all of the want of a Disposition
in America for the Renewal of the royal Government and the re-union
of the Empire. Is there a county in England, that thus circumstanced,
would act otherwise, and be easy a month under the Direction of an
army? — of an army too, addicted to Plunder, and often willing to suppose
a Friend to be a Rebel, for the sake of what he has got, or they have
seized? I will not admit, though a soldier myself, that the King's Civil
Government and the success of the service are incompatable; and have
said enough against any further Experiment, that have so long indulged
to this Military Partiality. But there is another objection that has weight,
and that is, that the new restored Legislature may do injury to the con-
ciliatory Designs of the Crown, by too Vindictive a spirit, and an inor-
dinate Desire to compensate their own Losses, by the Ruin of those who
have at any time contributed to the present distractions. Georgia has

422 APPENDIX.

committed this error. But it might have been prevented by a Governor,
disposed to act the part of a mediator between Whig and Tory; and it is
certain that the example of Georgia quoted by some, for not restoring
the old constitution of South Carolina, furnished the strongest Argu-
ment imaginable for its being instantly set up on the Reduction of Charles-
town. It was then practicable to have formed an Assembly of Penitents,
who being found on their estates, with a moderate Governor and Coun-
cil, v/ould have given full scope to that Wise Policy, necessary to Bal-
lauce between the hatred of Parties, and prevent the Ruin of either, by
unconscionable sacrifices inconsistent with the public good.

" Congress took advantage of our Folly in leaving that Province to a
Military Police, had for a town, and wholly inadequate to a Province.
Left to a state of Nature, the Soldiery began to insult. Robberies sprang
up. The injured under the late Usurpation avenged themselves upon
their Oppressors. The slaves left their Masters, and the whole Province
was prepared to resign all hope of Government for the common Protec-
tion, before the Congressional Troops arrived to increase the Confusion;
and if South Carolina is not lost, it is ruined; so that the only advan-
tage we draw from all our Operations in that Quarter, is the Lesson it
teaches to the other Provinces, of consulting their Salvation from Des-
truction by a timely Reconciliation with the Mother Country. What has
been said in part anticipates that Proof of the Number of the King's
Friends, which is deducible from the low Condition of the Rebel Af-
fairs.

" The Congress is utterly become Bankrupt Not a Bill of theirs now
has any Credit, and the only currency is hard money. This must be set
down to the distrust began and propagated by the Loyalists; for the De-
preciation commenced in 1777. Old Moneij, Old Price, was the vulgar
Cantatum of the Friends of Government, from the first moment of the
paper Emission in 17-75. It is a confirmation of this, that the Bankrupt-
cy has occasioned no such convulsions as the uninformed speculator looked
for. No Loyalist hoarded what he hated as well as despised. The loss
has thus wholly fallen upon the Whigs, who cried up the Paper money;
and it is not consistent with their Principles nor Reputation to ut-
ter Complaints, and afford Matter of Triumph to their Adversaries.
Some of them had treasured up these Bills in Barrels, and are unpitied
both by Whig and Tory for profiting by the puhlic Fraud. The diffi-
culty of forcing the Militia into the Field; the sanguinary Laws of the
Usurpers; the Mutiny and Desertion of their regular Troops; and vari-
ous other topics, might be mentioned as Proofs of the Declension of the
Party, with decisive confessions in the intercepted letters of the Rebels.
In a word, but for the late French aid, the Rebellion had sunk under its
own weakness. To rid themselves of the burthen of supernumerary of-

APPENDIX. 423

Ccere in the Army (a suspicious but necessary measure), it was, in Sep-
tember, 1780, resolved on to consolidate several Regiments into one, and
that it should take place on the 1st of January following, a Season of
the least apprehension.

' ' The army then was to consist of:

4 Regiments of Cavalry — in all 1,536

4 Regiments of Artillery 2,340

49 Regiments of Infantry 28,224

1 Regiment of Artificers 480

32,580
"This was an Establishment on Paper, and doubtless exceeded the
Hopes of the Congress, except for the Effect of its appearance Abroad;
they must, however, have been alarmed to find that their Force in the
Field late in June last, in all Parts of the Continent, fell short of 5,000
Men. I speak of real soldiers — Continentals and not militia or month's
men, who are but Militia, forced out for the short terms of 3, 4, 6 or 9
months, and not always in Congressional, but the still more precarious
and slender Pay of the Colony they are sent from. Under Washington
there were:

In the Highlands 1,500

At Fort Stanwix and its neighborhood 1,000

With Green, the Debris of the Southern army 800

Under Lafayette, 700, besides the 600 of the Pennsylvania Muti-
neers re-assembled by Wayne 1,300

4,600
" It is true theAmerican and French Troops that were convened in West
Chester County, from the first of July to the 20th of August for menacing
New York, were about 7000. But of these Rochambeau's Force consisted
of 2870, and to make up the Ballance of upwards of 4000 in Americans,
it m.ust be observed that besides the 1500 from the Highlands, with the
1000 from Fort Stanwix, then abandoned, Washington had then so many
Militia that when he marched from King's Ferry to Virginia (23d August)
with three thousand men, Heath took up to the Highland Forts, about
10 or 12 hundred of the Militia; and that is the number with a small
addition of others, that have occupied the Highland Forts ever since,
till the appearance of the British from Canada, at Crown Point, in October
occasioned a Detachment to the Northward that reduced the Garrison at
West Point, as was said lately, to but about 600 men. I say nothing upon
the delicate enquiry which the disaster in Virginia wUl lead to. It is
material however to remark, that if the rebels deserve any advantage

424 APPENDIX.

from it, "twill be as it shall affect the Councils of Great Britain this
Winter.

" The French Fleet and Army, Rochambeau's Troops excepted, being
gone, the Rebels are as unable to undertake any enterprise as before
Rochambeau's Troops have laid hold of York in Virginia, and planted
the French colours there. And it would seem that the Continentals must
Winter in such a Part of the neighboring Country, as to be able to aid
them in case of an Insurrection of the numerous British Prisoners and
Loyalists, and our visiting the Chesapeak. It is impossible for Washing-
ton to have detached to Green, a Force sufficient for the Reduction of
Charlestown; tho' he may and doubtless is in strength to ruin his friends
as well as ours in the Southern Country. The Congress has added vastly
to their debt; and cannot avoid increasing the general Discontents, now the
Taxes are commenced in hard money; so that what they acquire of Rep-
utation by the late victory, which after all is a French one, is counterbal-
lanced by a growing impatience in all ranks and Classes, under the in-
tollerable and increasing Burthen of the War. The whole Northern
quarter is at the same time undefended, and while the Sea Board is every
where exposed to our incursions, the Conduct of Vermont fills all the
Northern Provinces with apprehension, that may rise to a very formida-
ble fright in the Spring, if Gen'l Haldimand's Compact with the Ver-
monters is put in a way of being confirmed by Great Britain. On all
considerations thinking men among the Rebels see no great change for
the better, and exult less than is imagined. And if I can venture a con-
jecture, it would be that Congress will direct this Winter to an accom-
modation with Great Britain, unless the French promise large succors,
both of Land and Sea Forces as well as Money, for the Reduction of New
York early in the Spring.

" The Vermonters informed the Congress last August, that the Militia
within their first Bounds consisted of 7,000. There are 3,000 more in the
Towns associated with them between Connecticut River and Mason's
Line; and I think nearly 2,000 more in the District they have admitted
to a Union with them, out of that part of New York that lays between
the Hudson River and the twenty Mile Line East of it; and it is known
that large Numbers are flocking to Vermont, and who are interested in
Iter private as well as public views out of the Old Colonies of New Hamp-
shire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut and New York; and
without Doubt the example of the convention Troops wdll lead to that
country many of the British Soldiers lately made Prisoners in Virginia.
" By the complete Detachment of Vermont from the Rebel Interest,
and the Reduction of the Highland Forts early in the Spring, much may
be expected in the next Campaign; especially since the New Yorkers in
general, and a very great proportion of the Country between them and

APPENDIX. 425

the Connecticut River, are known to be verj' favorably inclined to the
Re-union. If the late loss in Vii-ginia, where the British must be danger-
ous and unwelcome Guests, is to be made up, it should be early during the
Winter, as they can be collected, with a large proportion of them in the
Ships of War, setting out with as little Observation as possible in separate
and small squadrons of Transports, with a ship or two to carry their Provis-
ions, and not in large Fleets. — And at all events there must be a NaraJ
Superioritij in these Seas in March or Ain-il, Because they will confine
French Reinforcements to the Place of their Disembarkation, for the
defence of their Ships: As was the Case at Rhode Island, and prevent
any Designs against New York.

"I have hinted my Conjecture that Congress will immediately give
orders to make oflFers to negotiate. It appears to me of great importance
that these Negotiations should proceed in this Country, and not on the
other side of the Water, especially if Great Brittain's affairs should wear
a good Face for a vigorous and early campaign.

" But a new Peace Commission is inclis2)ensabli/ necessary. Perplexed
as the Congress must be under the growing uneasiness of the People,
neither Affection to the French, nor a republican attachment, nor even
the Aims of Ambition, would prevent them from listening to Overtures
that ivere decisive and irreversahle, if themselves could be secured from
the vindictive Rage of the Multitude they have misled, oppressed and
ruined, as well as from the resentment of the Crown. Hitherto they have
been offered pardons and General Privileges, with a Restoration of their
old Legislatures. But ai much i;s they once contended for a Plenitude of
Power in their Colony Assemblies, they have now everything to dread
fi"om them; foreseeing as they do. that these Legislatures will be com-
posed of Loyalists, of injured Loyalists, who may never be satisfied but
by a confiscation of the Fortunes of the Rebels for the Repair of the
Waste of their own.

" What is to be done in this case? Pass an act of Parliament for an
universal Amnesty and Oblivion? By no means; for it would convert the
Loyalists into Rebels. But another, to authorize the Crown to appoint
Commissioners to come to a final agreement with the Colonies, or either
of them, and that every act of the Commissioners shall be as valid as if
it was an act of Parliament, non-repealable, without the Consent of the
Colony in General Assembly, whether it concern matters Civil, Commer-
cial, Military or Ecclesiastical, or the Adjustment of the Affairs of Ver-
mont, or any Disputes among the Provinces respecting their Limits, or
any other differences that may or shall subsist between them, or any of
them. Such Commissioners will be full handed for the Gratification of
the reasonable Desires of all parties, and every Colony in America; and
an agreement between them and the Congress, or any partizans of theirs,

426 APPENDIX.

will lay the legislature of the Colony so far under Restraints as to dispel
all their fears; and with this end attained, 1 have no doubt the Commis-
sioners will find the Tables turned; and more jealously for the Interests
of America in the Loyalists than their Adversaries, and no difficulty at
all in reserving such Points as may really deserve Parliamentary and fu-
ture discussion and approbation. The Point of Honor ia Republics, set
against the Interest of the Leaders, v/illthen avail little; and the French
Court be thus at last dropped by America, an event I always thought
probable, from the difficulty of dissolving antient, strong and natural
Connections and Habits. If there remains any obstinacy, it can extend
to but a few, who must give way to the Torrent of Superior Numbers,
interested more and more, every hour of the hostilities, in the return of
Peace; and a very little activity on our part in the execution of the Plan
which is agreed on, will determine the General Preference of a State of
Tranquility and Prosperity to an unprofitable Sovereignty, which the ma-
jority already considered as a curse, and many of the Rest as a Phantom.
The exhausted Conditon of the Country, exposing it inevitably to a de-
pendency upon Great Brittain, or upon France, to whom too much is due
not to raise Fears if not Enmity, and she will certainly insist upon pay-
ment to the very last Farthing.

"It can scarcely be necessary to add that the new Peace Commissioners
should have every Power of the crown for the appointment of officers,
from Governors downwards, that when they return to England, they may
leave the Government established upon such a Plan as, all things consid-
ered, may appear to be expedient; and that the success of the Commis-
sion will depend much upon their being Persons of Rank, and rather
Statesmen than Soldiers, and of characters in estimation for the Fulness
of their Powers, as to influence the Executive instruments both of the
Army and Navy, to a faithful, spirited and liarmoiiions Conduct. Such
Guardians have been heretofore wanting. If they have a Council, as I
think they should have, to prevent the Indelicacy of Altercation, Regard
should be had to their Tempers, Standing and Friendships in this Coun-
try, as well as to their Address and Knoivledgeof its Affairs.

" All these things are suggested, upon the supposition that Great Brit-
ain has such an Interest in her Colonies, as is worth fostering for the
Common Good. It will be melancholy if the discovery should be made '
too late. It will then bring Home to her Streets and Exchange Evidence
that ought to be known now in her Cabinet, and will pour infinite Dis-
grace upon those who shall have counselled her to quit her Hold of a
country, which she may make her Instrument against the insular Pos-
sessions of France, and the best Interests of Spain, and such Proof, when
too late obtained, may light up a Civil War in her Native Dominions.

•' Had a measure been adopted which Gen'l Tryon urged upon Sir Henrj-

APPENDIX. 427

Clinton, in August, 1779, Administration would long ?ince have been pos-
sessed of the most satisfactory Demonstration of the true and I{eal Tcm-
per of the Colonies. It was to set up an Intelligence Office for An Exam-
ination in Writing, and upon Oath of Persons of all ranks and ages, and
of both sexes, that repaired to the British lines, to be communicated to
the General, and another set of copies to the Minister for the American
Department, with a weekly digest of the whole, upon the probable Pre-
sumption, that the Points in which every ray of Information centered
would be the Truth; And when the Concourse is so great and from
remote Comers, and the Intelligence so manifold, it is certain that the
Complamt of the want of it, must argue great Inattention to the proper
means of acquiiing it. With due care there are rarely secrets in Civil
Wars.

'* It cannot be worth the pains of Stating Arguments against the flimsy
proposal of some for evacuating New York, the Common center, by
means of the Hudson, of the British, Canadian and Indian Interests in
America.

"Nor against the wilder scheme of others for yielding Independence
to all the Continent, to the Northward and Eastward of a Line of
Forts from the Head of Elk River to the Delaware, weakly relying upon
a Bargain, for the quick Possession and Retention of the Southern
Provinces; for the Produce of the latter, can be no equivalent for the Loss
of that Commerce which the former would open to the Disadvantage of
the Mother Country, and the Southern Possessions would share in, to say
nothing of the insecurity of the Tenure against the Power those districts
would acquire very soon after Great Britain's acquiescence in the Impair-
ing of that monopoly by which she has been aggrandized, and for which
she had paid down such a price in the Expenses of the present War, noic
tiearhj at an end, unless she dastardly resigns to Despair, or resolves to
continue that strange Conduct which has, by a mixture of Concilitition
and Chastisement, been wasting both Countries, a's if the Contest was a
measuring of Purses; but which, after all, if it ends in the Re-union, can
not fail to rivet the future Dependence of the Colonies, on their discover-
ing in the Retrospect, or apprehending that they discern Great Britain's
Willingness to caiTy on the War, as to spare what it was always in her
Power to destroy — a credit given by some to the Supreme Direction, who
allow nothing to the Generosity of the Subordinate Agents on account of
the Speculation and Plunders that have so generally prevailed, and some-
times against the plighted Faith of Solemn Proclamations."

INDEX.

Abercoen, IViarquis of, 376.

Adams, John, 104.

Adams, Samuel, 217.

Adirondacks, 105.

Agnew, General, 131.

Allen, Ethan, expedition to Lake
George, 39; refuses precedence to
Arnold, 39; captures Ticonder-
oga, 40; his dash at Montreal
censured by Washington and
Schuyler, 46.

Allen, Lieutenant, brings letter
of Jameson to Arnold, announc-
ing Andre's arrest, 295.

Andre, John, Major, a social fa-
vorite in Philadelphia, 223; a
guest of Chief Justice Shippen,
224; Mischienza, 224; correspond-
ence with Arnold, 287; interview
with Arnold, 288; his return to
New York, 290; arrested as a
spy, 291; conducted to Lieut.
Colonel Jameson, at Newcastle,
292; writes to Washington and
acknowledges his real char-
acter, 292; is brought to the
Robinson House— Washington
declines to see him, 304; sensa-
tion in British army, 305; his trial.

306; efforts to save his life, 308;
his letter to Washington, 309;
execution, 313; his character,
313; letter to Sir Henry Clinton,
313; Monument in Westmin-
ster Abbey— remains removed to,
315; was he a spy? 322; should
the pass from Arnold protect
him? 324.

Arms of the Arnold family, 363.

Arnold, Bendict, ancestors of,
16; his father, 17; mother, 17;
birth of, 18; his father's death, 19;
stories of boyhood, 21; letters of
his mother, 23; enlists as a sol-
dier, 24; joins the troops at Al-
bany—deserts, 25; marriage, 27;
personal description of, 29; his
first duel, 31; in business, 33;
indignation at "Boston massa-
cre," 34; Captain of the Govern-
or's Guards, 34; a popular leader,
35; volunteers to Cambridge, 36;
proposes expedition to Ticonde-
roga, 37; commissioned Colonel,
38; joins Allen, 39; Ticonderoga
captured, 40; captures St. Johns,
41: Massachusetts thanks him,
43; superseded, 44; resigns and
returns to Cambridge, 45; death
of his wife, 47; proposes expedi-

(429)

430

INDEX.

tion to Quebec, 50; selected by
Wasbington to command, 50;
details of expedition, 53; bolds
an Indian Council, 73, 74; bis ad-
dress to tbe Indians, 74; arrives
at Point Levi, 75; on tbe Plains
of Abrabam, 76; flag fired upon,
78; retires to Pointe-aux-Trem-
bles, 78; assault upon Quebec,
80; is vrounded, 83; continues
blockade, 87; goes to Montreal,
88; receives tbe Congressional
Commissioners, 90; retreats to
St. Jobns, 94; letter to Gates, 95;
proceeds to Crown Point, 96; in-
tegrity attacked, 96; cbarges
against Colonel Hazen, 98; trial
of Hazen, 98; protest of Arnold.
100; Gates dissolves the Court
101 ; cbarges against, and inqui
ry demanded by Brown, 102
refused by Gates, Scbuyler and
Commissioners of Congress, 103
bis conduct approved by Scbuyler
103, 104; appointed to construct
fleet on Lake Cbamplain, 107
bis preparations, 108; at Isle Val-
cour, 109; bis letters to and from
Gates and Scbuyler, 110; battle
of Valcour Island, 112; arrives at
Crown Point, 117; bis report to
Scbuyler, 118; tbanked by Gates,
120; welcomed at Ticonderoga,
121; letter from Cbase, 122; visits
Wasbington, 124; sent to Rbode
Island, 124; visits bis sister and
children, 124; friendship and aid
for Lamb, 125; letter to Mrs.
Knox, 125; superseded by five
junior brigadiers, 126; with-
holds resignation by advice of
Wasbington, 127; other officers

equally sensitive, 129; fights bat-
tle of Ridgefield, 131; receives
promotion, 132; and ahorse from
Congress, 133; his rank still with-
held, 133; charges of Brown de-
clared cruel and groundless, 133;
offered command on the Hudson,
134; declines and goes to Phila-
delphia to ask bis proper rank
and settlement of his accounts,
134; presents his accounts, 136;
appointed to tbe army gathering
to watch General Howe, 137;
British General retires to Bruns-
wick and Arnold returns to Phila-
delphia, 137; again tenders bis
resignation, 138; Washington
requests Congress to send
Arnold to join Schuyler against
Burgoyne, 139; arrives at Wash-
ington's camp, 147; visits a
Masonic Lodge with Washing-
ton, 148; made second in com-
mand, 148; is refused his rank by
Congress — withholds resignation
at Schuyler's request, 148; vol-
unteers to lead expedition into
Tryon county, 154; pushes on to
Fort Dayton, 154; calls a council
of war, 155; issues proclamation,
156; announces his approach to
Gansevoort, 157; by ruse-de-
guerre relieves Fort Stanwix,
159; reception at Fort Stanwix,
162; returns to Schuyler's camp,
163; in bis letters, familiar with
Gates, respectful to Scbiiyler,
166; commands left wing, 166;
selects Bemis' Heights for camp,
167; a coolness on the part of
Gates towards, 168; friendly to
Schuyler, 169j leads at Bemis'

INDEX.

431

Heights, 171; who led the
Americans at this battle? 174;
testimony showing his conduct in
this battle, 175; error of Bancroft,
175; the battle fought by Arnold's
divison and under his leadership,
177; letters of Arnold to Gates,
177; Varrick's letters to Schuyler,
168, 179, 184; letter of Schuyler,
180; letters of Livingston, 180,
182; evidence of Neilson, 185;
statement ot Cochran, 186; Bur-
goyne's statement, 186; state-
ment of Irving, 187; Lossing,
188; Carrington, 189; statement
of Downing, 190; quarrel
between Gates and Arnold, 193;
deprived of command, 195; in
the second battle of Saratoga,
198; directs Morgan to pick off
Fraser, 200; wounded, 204; Fos-
ter's account of his charge, 204;
saves the life of soldier who shot
him, 205; Burgoyne's surrender,
209; Arnold receives thanks of
Congress, 210; receives from
Washington new commission
giving him his proper rank, 210;
the hero of the campaign of
1777, 211; carried to Albany and
there during autumn and winter
of 1777-8, 213; goes to Connecti-
cut, 214; Washington presents to
him pistols, 214; epaulettes, 215;
Washington's letters of appro-
bation, 215; furnishes money
for the education and main-
tenance of the children
of General Warren, 216 ; letters
on the subject, 217 ; arrives at
Valley Forge, 221 ; occupies the
Penn House, 226 ; suitor of Peggy

Shippen,— letter to her father,
228 ; offer, 228 ; settles upon her
Mount Pleasant, 231 ; his mar-
riage, 231 ; resides here until his
removal to West Point, 232 ; his
domestic life in Philadelphia,
233 ; visited by his sister, 233 ;
birth of son, 233 ; letter of Han-
nah Arnold, 233 ; Arnold's pro-
clamation to close stores and
shops, 238 ; style of living ex-
travagant, 239 ; charged with
leaning toward loyalists — the
Shippen family, 240 ; his project
of settling in Western New York,
approved by John Jay, and New
York delegation, 241 ; charges
by Executive Council of Penn-
sylvania, 242 ; published in
newspapers, 242; declares charges
cruel and malicious, 242; and
demands court of inquiry, 243;
list of charges, 243; committee,
to investigate, 245; report of
committee, 245 ; sends his resig-
nation, 247 ; letter to Congress,
247 ; his trial, 249 ; his defense,
251; judgment of the court, 257;
reprimanded by Washington,
261; letter of Schuyler, 263; his
treason, 265 ; social relations in
Philadelphia, 267; date of Ar-
nold's first correspondence with
enemy, 267; what his motives,
268 ; arguments lased to
seduce him, 271; letter of
Beverly Robinson, 275; supposed
interview between Arnold and
Robinson, 277; proposed enter-
prise by sea, 281 ; interview with
Luzerne, as given by Marbois,
2S2; his accounts still unsettled,

432

INDEX.

283; Washington congratulates
him on birth of his son, 284; cor-
responds with Sir Henry Clinton
under name of "Gustavus," 284;
given command of West Point —
at Robinson House, 285; letters
to Washington and Greene, 286;
visited by Schuyler, 286; a tra-
dition that Arnold often said:
"I did it to save the shedding
of blood," 287; requests a per-
sonal meeting with Andre, 287;
sends a boat for Andre, 287;
meeting of Arnold and Andre,
288; gives Andre a pass— sup-
posed conversation between
them, 288; Allen arrives with
news of Andre's capture, 295;
his flight, 296; to the Vulture,
297; the bargemen, 297; letter to
Washington, 299; declares his
wife and military family inno-
cent, 300; arrives at New York
and informs Sir Henry Clinton
of Andre's capture, 302; his
future, 302; his letter to Sir
Henry Clinton in regard to
Andre, 305; appeals to Washing-
ton for Andre's life, 308; alleged
offer to surrender himself for
Andre, 311; attempts to justify
his conduct — an address: "To the
Inhabitants of America," 329;
text of address, 330; issues a
proclamation: "To the Officers
and Soldiers of the Continental
Army, &c." 332; his efforts meet
with no success, 335; rank of
Brigadier- General in British
Army confirmed, 335; project to
kidnap him, 336; its failure, 337;
commands expeditions against

Virginia, 343; sails from New
York and enters Hampton
Roads, 343; takes Richmond, 343;
his report to Sir Henry Clin-
ton, 343-4; the American Cap-
tain's reply to Arnold's question,
347; 5,000 guineas offered for his
capture, 348; returns to New
York, 348; expedition against
Connecticut, 348; Massacre at
Fort Griswold, his report, 348;
receives thanks of Sir Henry
Clinton, 352; escapes being shot,
354; sails for England, 355; his
reflections as he leaves his native
land, 357; Lord Cornwallis a fel-
low passenger, 358; reception by
the King, 359; seen walking with
the Prince of Wa^es, 359; pre-
pares "Thoughts on the Ameri-
can War," 359; this paper
never before printed, 360; syn-
opsis of this paper, 361; re-
ceives £6,315 from the British
Government, 363; his family
arms, 363; changes motto, 364;
the Kings and Queen's kindness,
364; at Andre's monument, 365;
refused employment as a
soldier in England, 367; rea-
sons for, 368; lives beyond
his means, 368; fits out a ship for
the West Indies — goes to, 369;
removes to St. John's, New
Brunswick, and enters into busi-
ness, 370; his sons Richard and
Henry join him, 370; accused of
firing his warehouse, 371; re-
turns to London, 371; meets Tal-
leyrand, 375; duel with the Earl
of Lauderdale, 378; particulars of
duel, 379; again fits out a trading

INDEX.

433

ship and arrives at St. Kitto, 3S5;
his escape from the French, 886;
is taken prisoner and again es-
capes, 387; receives thanks from
West India planters, 388; writes
to Earl Spencer, desiring to be
employed as a soldier, 389; the
King grants to him 13,400 acres
of land in Canada, 389; appeals
to the Duke of York for service,
390; his illegitima,te son in Cana-
da, 392; his death, 393; his char-
acter, 396.

Arnold, Edward Gladwin, Rev.,
marries, April 27th, 1852, Lady
Charlotte, daughter of the Mar-
quis of Cholmondelay, 410.

Arnold, Edward Shippen,
sketch of life; dies at Dinapoor,
India, 1813, 407.

Arnold. Hannah, only surviving
sister of Benedict, 18; never mar-
ries, 27; praised by Sparks, 28;
correspondence with Deane, 28;
takes charge of her brother's
children, 47; letter to her brother,
47, 48; visits her brother at Phil-
adelphia, 233; her letter to Mrs.
Arnold, 233; her letter on hear-
ing of her brother's disgrace,
303; her death, 405.

Arnold, Henry, son of Benedict
Arnold, by first wife. 27; mar-
ried Hannah Ten Eyck, 405 ;
commissioned lieutenant in the
American Legion, 405: dies in
New York, 405.

Arnold, George, a lieutenant col-
onel ; so named by his father af-
ter Washington and George IV.,
409.
28

Arnold, James Roiieutson, born
in New York, 1781 ; marries Vir-
ginia Goodrich; rises to rank of
Lieutenant-General in British
army, 407; engaged in capture
of Abouker Castle; in battle of
Alexandria and in expulsion of
the French from Grand Cairo;
storms a redoubt, 408; appointed
aide-de-camp to George the
Fourth, 408; dies in London, 1854,
409.

Arnold, Mrs., maiden name Mar-
garet Shippen, daughter of
Chief Justice Shippen — marriage
of, 231; joins her husband at
West Point, 286; her distress
when Arnold discloses his posi-
tion, 295; interview with Wash-
ington, 301 ; kindness of Wash-
ington and officers to, 316; was
she innocent of her husband's
crime? 316; Amold declares her
innoc?nce, 318; Hamilton and
Washington believe her inno-
cent, 318; Major Frank's testi-
mony in her favor, 318; conduct
incompatible with guilt, 320;
compelled to leave by the Coun-
cil of Pennsylvania — follows her
husband to New York, 321 ; ac-
companies her husband to Eng-
land, 355; her fascination and
beauty — attention of the Queen,
362; is granted a pension, B6S;
letter to her father, 369; her
father's reply, 372; letter to Mrs.
Burd, 372; visits her family in
Philadelphia, 373; returns to
London, 373 gives details of her
husband's duel, 3.S1; letter to
Richard, 384; announces to

434

INDEX.

Richard and Henry their fath-
er's death, 394; also to Hannah
Arnold, 394; executrix of her
husband, 400; her executive
ability— letters, 400; death of,
406; character of, 406; her chil-
dren, from 406-417.

Arnold, Sophia Matilda, daugh-
ter of Benedict, bom in London,
July 28th, 1785; ujarries Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Pownall Phipps —
death of, 411.

Arnold, Richard, birth of, 27;
marries, 405; commissioned Lieu-
tenant in the American Legion,
405.

Arnold, William, an ancestor of
Benedict, and a contemporary of
Roger Williams, 16.

Arnold, William Fitch, captain
in the 19th Royal Lancers; his
residence Little Messenden Ab-
bey, Bucks, 410.

Arnold, Ben., his death, note 405.

Arnold, William Trail, brother
of the Rev. Edward Gladwin Ar-
nold and grandson of Gen. Ar-
nold, a captain in the British
army, 410; in the battles of Ink-
erman, Alma, and with his reg-
iment before Sebastopol, 410;
killed in the trenches — manner
of his death, 410.

Atwater, Major, 308.

B.

Balcarras, Earl of, 196.

Bancroft, comparison of British
fleet with Arnold's III; declares
Gates had "no fitness for com-

mand," 165; on battle of Bemis'
Heights, 175 ; error in stating
that Arnold was not on the field,
175; his description of the death
of Eraser, 208.

Barlow, Joel, the poet, 21.

Battles, Notable on the Lakes,
111.

Baum, defeat of, near Bennington,
164.

Bedell, Colonel, under Arnold
holds the Cedars — is cashiered, 90.

Bemis' Heights, position for camp
at selected by Arnold, 169; posi-
tion of Armies at, 170; battle of,
171.

Bethel, 130.

Board op Officers to try Andre,
306; reports him a spy and must
suffer death, 306.

Boston Massacre, 33.

Botta, the historian, on Arnold's
expedition to Quebec, 71.

Breyman, Colonel, a British officer
killed in 2nd battle of Saratoga,
206.

Bryant, with Capt. Foster at "the
Cedars," 91; with St. Leger, 141.

Brown, Lieut en ant- Col., his diffi-
culties with Arnold, 102 ; de-
mands a Court of Inquiry, 102 ;
inquiry refused by Generals
Wooster, Gates, Schuyler, and
Commissioners of Congress, 103 ;
letter of Schuyler criticising
Brown, 103.

Brunswick, English retire to, 187.

Buchanan, James, British Consul

INDEX.

435

at New York, removes Andre's
remains to Westminster Abbey,
315.

BuRD, Mrs., sister of Mrs. Arnold,
letter to, 372.

BuRGOYNE, General, connected by
marriage with house of Derby — a
Foldier in Spain, 143 ; moves to-
wards Crown Point with his
army, 143 ; reports American
army ruined, 145 ; battle of 19th
Sept., 170 ; speaks of Arnold's
bravery in battle of 19th Sept.,
186; Battle, Oct. 7th, 195; at-
tempts to retreat, 209 ; surren-
ders, 209 ; describes the burial
of Fraser, 208.

Burr, Aaron, a volunteer with
Arnold, 51 ; his charge that Mrs.
Arnold was privy to her hus-
band's treachery, 316j motives,
820.

c.

Cambridge, 36, 45, 47, 49.

Carleton, Guy, Sir, brings rein-
forcements to Quebec, 78; treats
the prisoners with kindness, 86;
occupies St Johns, 106; prepares
a fleet for Lake Champlain, 106;
at battle of Valcour Island, 102;
at court with Arnold, 359.

Carrington, General, statement
of Arnold's conduct at Bemis'
Heights, 189; at Saratoga, 202.

Carroli., Charles, appointed
commissioner to Canada, 90; vis-
its Arnold's headquarters, 90;
defends Arnold's conduct in re-
moval of goods at Montreal, 102.

Carroll, John, Rev,, first Roman

Catholic Archbishop of the Uni-
ted States, accompanies commis-
sionors to Canada, 90.

" Cedars," The, 90, 91.

Chase, Samuel, Comissioner to
Canada, 90; letter to Arnold, 122.

Chamblay, 95.

Champlain, Lake, description of
105; naval battle on, 112-114.

Champe, Sergeant, Agent of Maj.
Lee to kidnap Arnold, 336 ; his
attempt, 337.

Chester, Major, 183.

Churchill, Duke of Marlborough,
273.

Clinton, Henry, Sir, conspiracy
with Arnold. 284; realizes impor-
tance of West Point, 287; in-
formed by Arnold of Andre's
capture, 302; his letter to Wash-
ington in regard to Andre, 306 ;
his letter to Lord George Ger-
main on behalf of Arnold, 358.

Cochran, Maj., report of, describ-
ing Arnold's battle on the 19th
Sept., 186.

Congress, of Massachusetts,
thanks Arnold for his services, 43.

Congress of United States, ap-
points Commissioners to Canada,
SO ; elects five Major- Generals,
126 ; presents a horse to Arnold,
133 ; passes a resolution of thanks,
133; declares charges of Brown
cruel, but refuses his proper rank,
135 ; action in regard to Warren's
children, 220.

Connecticut,
from, 284.

Arnold returns

436

INDEX.

Cooper, James Eexijiore, 299.

CoRNWALLis, Lord, surrenders to
Washington, 355; a fellow pas-
senger with Arnold to England,
358; letters of Arnold to, 388;
iis?s his interests in behalf of Ar-
nold's sons, 392.

Cramaha, Lieutenant Governor,
77.

Crown Point, 37; Arnold pro-
ceeds to, 96; retreat from, 96.

Croskie, Captain, duel with Ar-
nold, 31.

Curtis, George William, ora-
tion on Bemis' Heights, 161.

D.

Davis, Mathew L., biographer,
of Burr, 316; charges against Mrs.
Arnold, 317.

Danburt, 130.

Deane, Barnabas, 45.

Deane, Silas, writes of the bad
treatment of Arnold, 45.

Dead River, the. 53.

Dearborn, Captain, in tlie expe-
dition to Quebec, 66; 197.

Deblois, Miss, Arnold in love with,
D.

Description, personal, of Arnold,
by Downing, 29; by John C.
Warren, 221; by Rev. J. L.
Leake, 29.

Downing, personal description of
Arnold, 29; on Arnold's conduct
in battle, 190.

DucoNDRAY, a French officer, 129.

Duel, Arnold's with Captain Cros-
kie, 31; with Earl of Lauderdale,
376.

E.

Education, Arnold's early, 23.

Elliot, Andrew, Lieutenant Gen-
eral, 308.

English, view of Arnold's conduct,
273.

Enos, Roger, abandons Arnold's
expedition, 65; trial put under
arrest by Washington, 69.

Expeditions, Arnold's, to Ticon-
deroga, 37; to Quebec, 63; into
Virginia, 342; into Connecticut,
348.

F.

Family, of Arnold, 405.

Fairfield, 130.

FoBT Dayton, council held at, 155.

Fort Griswold, so called massa-
cre at, 318.

Fort Trumbull, 343.

Foster, Senator, relates incidents
of Arnold's conduct at Saratoga,
204.

Fox, Charles James, the second
of the Earl of Lauderdale, in duel
with Arnold, 378.

Franklin, Benjamin, commis-
sioned by Congress to Canada,
90; at Arnold's Head-Quarters,
90.

Franks, Major, declared innocent
by Arnold, 300; denial of Mrs.
Arnold's knowledge of her hus-
band's treason, 318; accompanies
Mrs. Arnold to Philadelphia, 316.

Frazer, Major-General, 143; at
Saratoga mortally wounded, 199;
his death— picked off by Mor-

INDEX.

437

gaa's riflemen at Arnold's sug-
gestion, 200; burial, 207.

Freemasons, Washington & Ar-
nold at lodge of, 148.

French War, the old, 24.

Gansevoort, at Fort Stanwix, in-
invested by St. Leger, 149; re-
fuses to surrender, 149; Arnold
relieves him, 158.

Ctates, General, letter to Arnold,
51; at Crown Point, 96; supports
Arnold in affair of Col. Hazen,
101; informs Congress that Ar-
nold has undertaken to command
fleet, 107; returns thanks to Ar-
nold after battle of Valcour Is-
land, 120; supersedes Schuyler,
165; concentrates the Northern
army on Bemis Heights, 166;
thinks of superseding Washing-
ton, 168; not- on the field at
Bemis Heights, 174; in report to
Congress makes no mention of
Arnold, 177; Pique against Liv-
ingston, 183; desires the whole
credit against Bur.iioyne, 193;
drives Arnold to demand a pass
to Washington, 194; indebted to
Arnold for his laurels, 209; Bur-
goyne surrenders, and Gates is
thanked by Congress, 210; Con-
gress votes him a medal, 213.

Genealogy, of the Arnold family,
18.

Germain, Lord, Burgoyne reports
condition of American army to,
144; letters to, from Sir Henry
Clinton, in behalf of Arnold, 358.

German Flats, 155.

Gibson, Mrs. 318.

Green, Nathaniel, requests per-
mission to retire from the service,
129; confers with EngUsh officers
who ^came to Washington on be-
half of Andre, 308; note to Gen-
eral Robertson, informing him of
Washington's decision, 308.

' Green Mountain Boys,' 45.

H.

Hale, Nathan, hanged as a spy
by the British, 305.

Hamilton, Col. Alex., carries
Washington's message to Mrs.
Arnold, 295; aide to Washington,
299; attempts to capture Arnold
— fails, 299; his letter touching
Mrs. Arnold — declares her inno-
cent— letter on Andre's death,
309; refuses to propose to Andre
his exchange for Arnold, 311.

Hampton Roads, Arnold at, 342.

Harrington, Earl of, 376.

Hawke, Lord, Arnold's second in
duel, 378; endorses Arnold's state-
ment of the duel, 381.

Hartford, Washington visits
French officers at, 294.

Hazen, Col., charges made against
by Arnold — his trial by Court-
Martial, 98.

Heath, General, Statement of, in
regard to Arnold's treatment of
crew of his barge, 297; his ac-
count of expedition against New
London, 353.

Henry's Journal, 62, 65, 65 to 70.

Henry, Patrick, 35.

438

INDEX.

Herkimer, General, advances to
the relief of Fort Schuyler, 149;
caught in an ambush, 151 ; battle
of Oriskany; death of, 152; county
and town named for him, 152.

Hon Yost, Schuyler, sentenced to
death as a spy, 159; his ruse to
relieve Fort Schuyler, 161.

HoNiTON, 273.

Horsemanship, Arnold's, 27.

Howe, General, threatens Philadel-
phia, but retires to Brunswick,
137; with a British army takes
possession of Philadelphia, 222;
he and his officers pass a gay win-
ter in that city, 223.

Hudson, Arnold ofi'erd command
of the, 134.

I.

Irving, Washington, the conduct
of Arnold in naval affairs on the
lakes, 105; battle of Bemis
Heights, 187; Arnold's dispute
with authorities of Philadelphia,
238; Reed's personal hostility to
Arnold, 243: time when Arnold
first entertained thoughts of trea-
son, 283.

Jameson, Lieut. Col., Andre
brought prisoner to, — sends to
Washington papers found on An-
dre, 292 : sends to Arnold state-
ment of the arrest of John Ander-
son, 292.

Jay, John, Colonel Livingstone
goes to Spain as his secretary,
185; letter in regard to Arnold,
241.

Jamestown, 343.

James River, The, 343.

Jefferson, 341 ; Governor of Vir-
ginia, 343; offers reward for Ar-
nold, 347.

Jewett, Dr., Arnold at school of,

24.

Johnson, Sir John, with St. Leger
in the valley of the Mohawk, 141.

Johnson, Sir William, a Tory on
the Mohawk, 142.

K.

Kennebec, river, 50.

King George, the Fourth, Ar-
nold's reception by, 359.

King's Ferry, 284.

Knox, Gen., resigns conditionally,
129; with Washington at Hart-
ford, 294.

Knox, Mrs. Arnold's letter to, 125.

LaFayette, aide to Washington,
with Washington at Hartford,
294; at West Point, 294; Wash-
ington discloses Arnold's treason
to, 299; instructed to execute Ar-
nold, if captured, 338; sent
against Arnold, 343.

Lake George, 41.

Lamb, Gen'l, in the assault on Que-
bec, 82; Arnold's friendship for,
125; Arnold procures his ex-
change, and furnishes £1,000 to-
wards expenses of raising his reg-
iment, 125; his defense of Arnold
at Gates' dinner, (note) 206 .

Larvey, Corporal, his reply to Ar-
nold, 297.

INDEX.

439

liAUDERDALE, Earl of, duel with
Arnold, 376.

Laukens, Col, Henry, Hamilton's
.letter to, on Andre's trial, 306
President of Congress — ex-
changed for Cornwallis, 358.

Learned, General, 154.

Lee, Major, undertakes to kidnap
Arnold, 336.

Lee, Richard Henry, writes to
Jefferson of Arnold's persecution,
135.

Lexington, battle of, 35.

Livingston, writes to Schuyler,
169; explains cause of quarrel be-
tween Arnold and Gates, 169;
letters to Schuyler from Bemis'
Heights, 180; marries sister of
John Jay, 185; becomes justice of
the Supreme Court of the United
States, 185.

Lincoln, General, elected Major
General, 126; given by Gates'
command of right wing at sec-
ond battle of Saratoga, 195; at
Albany, 213.

London Chronicle, 273.

Lord, Rev. Dr., restores Arnold to
his mother, 24.

LossiNG on General Arnold at Val-
cour Island, 117; his conduct at
Bemis Heights, 188; "officers
and soldiers had lost confidence
in Gates," 194.

Loyalists, during the Revolution,
340.

Luzerne, 282; his interview with
Arnold, as given by Marbois,
282.

M.

Macauley, Lord, on Churchill's
desertion of James, 279.

Mahon, Lord, condemns Washing-
ton for ordering the execution of
Andre, 322.

Mansfield, Margaret, first wife of
Arnold, 27; death of, 47.

Marbois, states that a letter writ-
ten by Robinson was found among
Arnold's papers, 275; that Arnold
tried to obtain 'a loan from Lu-
zerne, 282, 283.

Marriage, Arnold's first, 27; sec-
ond, 231.

Martin, Prof., Law of Nations re-
lating to a spy, 324.

Massachusetts, commis:<ions Ar-
nold Colonel, 38; commissioners
of, sent to Ticonderoga, 44.

Marshall, John, on the expedi-
tion to Quebec, 89; battle of Val-
cour Island, 120; distress of troops
at time of Arnold's treason, 273.

McLain, Colonel, 77.

McCrea, Jane, story of, 145.

McDouGAL, General, letter of
Washington to, in regard to Ar-
nold, 1.34.

Middletown, 213.

Mischienza, the famous, 224.

Mifflin, elected major-general,
126.

Mohawk, valley of the, 141.

MoRRisTOWN, Arnold at, 34.

Morgan, Daniel, a captain in Ar-
nold's expedition to Quebec, 51;
leads his riflemen in the assault

440

INDEX.

on, 82; taken prisoner, 83; at
battle of Saratoga directs rifle-
men to pick off Eraser, 200.

Montgomery, captures St. Johns
and Montreal, 79; joins Arnold,
79; killed in assault upon Que-
bec, 81; his friendship for Ar-
nold, 80.

MoNTRESOK, Colonel, 50.

MONTBOSE, 273.

Montreal, Allen's unfortunate
dash at, 46; Wooster in command
at, 83; Arnold takes command
of, 88.

Natanis, an Indian chief, 55.

Nelson, Lord, 164.

New Castle, Andre prisoner at,

291.
New Haven, 19; 130; 303.
Newark, 336.
New London, expedition against,

348.
New York, Arnold arrives at, 302.
North, Lord, 355.
NoRWALK, Tryon at, 132.
Norwich, 19; occupants of the old

Arnold mansion at, 19; Arnold

ordered to, 124.

0.

Oriskany, Battle of, 151.
Oswego, 141.

P..

Paine, Thomas, 341.
Papers, found in Andre's boots,
291; sent on to Washington, 292.

Parsons, Col. Samuel H., letter to

Governor Trumbull, about Ticon-
deroga, 42.

Pass, should Arnold's pass protect
Andre? 324.

Paulding, John, one of the cap-
tors of Andre, 291.

Peace, between United "States and
Great Britain, 367.

Peace Commissioners, New, rec-
ommended by Arnold, 361.

Peekskill, 134.

Pellew, afterwards Viscount Ex-
mouth,'at battle of Valcour Island,
112.

Peters, Rev. Samuel, gives anec-
dote of Arnold, 35.

Petersburgh, Arnold at, 361.

Phillips, General, under Bur-
goyne, 143; sent to Arnold in
Virginia, 343; captured with Bur-
goyne — and death of, 347.

Philadelphia, evacuated by the
British, 222; life in that city, 223.

Pitt, Mr., 376.

Point Levi, Arnold at, 75.

PoiNT-AUX- Trembles, Arnold's
camp at, 79.

Point- a-Peter, Arnold at, 386.

' ' Poor Ben, " General Arnold's old-
est son, 404; death of, 405.

Portland, Duke of orders the
grant of lands to Arnold, 389.

Portsmouth, Virginia, Arnold
marches to, 343.

Provost, Mrs., wife of Colonel
Burr, 317.

Putnam, General, leaves his plough

INDEX.

441

and joins Arnold, 36; at dinner
with Lamb, &c., (note) 2C6.

Q.

Quebec, the Gibralter of America,
49; details of Arnold's expedition
to 53-73; assault on, 80-83.

K.

Ralle, Father, 59.

Rediesel, General, 143.

Reed, General, persecution of Ar-
nold; makes charges against;
letter to Gen. Green, 240; circu-
lar with charges widely circu-
lated; his hostility personal, 243.

Richmond, Arnold at, 343.

Richmond, Duke of, 376.

Robertson, Lieut. General, 308.

Robinson, Beverly, Loyalist, tra-
dition of meeting between him
and Arnold; 274; their conversa-
tion, 277; has the confidence of
Sir Henry Chnton, 285; intercedes
for Andre, 308.

RoMiLLY, the English jurist, con-
siders Andre a spy, 326.

s.

Sabine, says that Robinson was in
communication with Arnold be-
fore the latter went to West
Point, 275; the number of the
Loyalists according to, 335. Says
' ' Ben ' ' was driven from the
service, 405.

Saratoga, Battle of, 19th Sept.,
171; second battle of, 196.

Sargent, did Arnold offer to sur-
render himself for Andre? 311,
312.

Scott, Major, 100.

Scott, Sir Walter, 338.

Schuyler, Philip, General, com-
manding a provincial company,
25; leads an army into Canada,
50; writes to AVashington of the
assault on Quebec, 85; with Ar-
nold and Gates at Crown Point,
and retreat to Ticonderoga, 96;
supports Arnold in difficulty with
Colonel Brown, 103; glad to hear
Arnold is to command the fleet,
107; is censured for retiring be-
fore Burgoyne, 145; retreats to
Stillwater, 148; determines to re-
lieve Fort Stanwix, 153; his call
for volunteers to conduct the ex-
pedition, 154; superseded by
Gates, 165; letter to Varick in re-
gard to Arnold, 193; letter to
Arnold after his trial, 263.

Schuyler, Miss, engaged to Col.
Hamilton, 301 ; letters from Ham-
ilton to, 301, 309.

Senter, Dr., his journal, 83.

Shippen, Edward, Chief Justice,
224; his daughters, 227; portrait
of, 393; death of, 413.

Shippen, Miss Peggy, in the Mis-
chienza, 224; her beauty, 227.

SiLLiMAN, General, assists in re-
pelling Tryon, 130.

"Six Nations, The," 150.

Skene, Major, 41.

Smith, Chief Justice, 308.

Smith, Joshua Hitt, statement
of, regarding correspondence be-
tween Arnold and Beverly Rob-
inson-, 276; Arnold and Andre

442

INDEX.

breakfast at house of, 283; Ar-
nold gives pass to, 288; Andre
passes the day at house of, 290;
acts as guide to Andre, 290.

Sparks, on letters of Hannah Ar-
nold, 28; explains Arnold's seiz-
ure of goods at Montreal, 101;
praises Arnold's bravery at Val-
cour Island, 117; praises his mag-
nanimity in volunteering against
Burgoyne, 139; his account of
second battle of Saratoga, 203.

Spy, was Andre a, 322; Vattel's
definition of, 324.

Stanwix Fort, where city of
Rome, N. Y., now is, 148; siege
of, 141; relief of by Arnold, 158.

St. Clair, elected Major-General,
126; occupies Ticonderoga, 143;
retreats from, 144; censured for,
145.

Stanley, Dean, Americans at
Andre's Monument, 365.

Stark, Col., fights battle of Ben-
nington, 165.

Stephen, elected Major-General,
126.

Stirling, commissioned Major-
General by Congress, 126.

Stirling, Sir Walter, presents
Arnold to the King, 359.

Stories, of Arnold's boyhood, 21.

St. Leger, expedition of, into the
valley of the Mohawk, 141 ; de-
mands the surrender of Fort
Schuj-ler, 152 ; flees at Arnold's
approach, 161.

St. Johns, captured by Arnold, 41;
occupied by the English, 106.

St. Johns, New Brunswick, Arnold
removes to, 370.

Sullivan, General, letter on Ar-
nold's retreat from Canada, 95 ;
retreats to Crown Point, 96 ;
sends in resignation, 129.

T.

Talleyrand, meeting of, with Ar-
nold, 375.

Tallmadge, Major, arrives at the
Robinson House with Andre, 304;
their conversation on the way,
304; his friendship for Andre,
304; advises Andre of his fate,
305.

Tappan, Andre hanged as a spy
at, 309.

Tarleton, the beauty of Mrs. Ar-
nold, 362.

Tarrytown, Andre taken at, 293.

Teller's Point, 297.

Ticonderoga, Arnold proposes ex-
pedition to, 37; captured, 40; ac-
cusations made against Arnold
at, 96.

Treason, Arnold's, 265, 287, 293;
furore against him on news of,
303.

Tryon, Governor, invasion of Con-
necticut by, 130; at Norwalk and
Compo, 132.

Trumbull, Governor, writes of
capture of Ticonderoga, 42.

Y.

Valcour Island, Arnold sails to,
109; naval battle off, 112; Ar-
nold's bravey at, spoken of by

INDEX.

443

Gates, 118, Varick^ 119, Lossing,
117, Cooper, 118, Irving, 105,
Sparks, 117.

Varick, Richard, letter to Gates
after battle of Valcour Island,
119; secretai-y of Schuyler, 168;
a friend of Schuyler and Arnold,
169; his opinion of Gates, 175;
his letter, 179; his letter from
camp Sept. 25, 1777, to Schuyler,
]84, his ignorance of Arnold's
treason, 300.

Vattel, his definition of a spy,
324.

Verplank's Point, Arnold signals
the Vulture at, 297.

Vulture, The, a British sloop of
war, brings Andre and Robinson
up the Hudson, 287; takes Arnold
on board, 297; takes him to New-
York, 302.

w.

Waruen, General Joseph, his
friendship for Arnold, 38; letter
to authorities of Conn, about
Arnold, 40,41; his children, aid
to, by Arnold, 216, 217.

Warren, John C. meets Arnold at
Margate, 221.

Washington, George, under the
British flag, 25; censures Allen,
46; a friend of Arnold, 47; selects
Arnold to command expedition to
Quebec, 48; gives Arnold his in-
structions, 50; letter to Schuyler
about Arnold, 64; his joy at Ar-
nold's safe arrival, letter to Schy-
ler, 70; concern on hearing of
Arnold's being wounded, letter to

Schuyler, 85; suggests to Gates to
appoint Arnold to command fleet
on the Lakes, 108; begs Arnold
in letter not to resign after he was
superseded, 127; asks Lee why
Arnold was superseded, 128;
letter to Arnold expressing sur-
prise that he did not see his
(Arnold's) name among the Ma-
ior-Generals, 128; writes to Pres-
ident of Congress: "General
Ai-nolds' promotion gives me
much pleasure," 134; off'ers him
command of the Hudson, 134;
letter to Congress in regard to
Arnold's vindication, 134; letter
to Congress requesting that
Arnold be sent north to repel
Burgoyne, 138; repeats this re-
quest, 139; sends Arnold to join
Schuyler, 147; letter to Schuyler
in praise of Arnold, 147; also
letter to Heath, 147; sends Ar-
nold commission, giving his
proper rank, 210: letter to Ar-
nold presenting epaulettes and
sword-knots, 215; gives him
command of Philadelphia, 222;
his trial, 248; letters to Reed
and Arnold about his trial, 248;
reprimands Arnold, 261; anxious
about final success, 273; gives
Arnold command of West Point,
284; visits the French officers
at Hartford— at West Point,
294; Hamilton hands to him
the papers found on Andre,
29;^; " whom can we trust
now? " 299; refers Andre's case
to a board of general officers,
306; his 'etter to Sir Henry Clin-

444

INDEX.

ton, 307 ; receives second letter
from Clinton, 308; might not
Washington have spared Andre "?
327; approves of plan to kidnap
Arnold, 336; his letter to Major
Lee, 337; Cornwallis surrenders
to, 355.

Waterman, Hannah, maiden
name of mother of Arnold, 17;
her genealogy, 18; her character,
20.

Webb, Col., 4}.

West Indies, Arnold sails to, 33;
369; 385; 389.

West Point, military position,
284; Washington gives command
of, to Arnold, 284; the Robinson
House, 287.

Westminster Abbev, Andre's re-
mains removed to — his monu-
ment, 315; Arnold at, 365.

Wilkinson, Adjutant-general to
Gates, 175; his statement regard-
ing the battle of 19th September,
175; write his memoirs thirty
years after the battle, 177.

Williams, David, one of the cap-
tors of Andre, 291.

Williams, Roger, 17.

WiLLETT, Marinus, Col., under
Gansevoort at Fort Schuyler, 149.

Wolfe, death of, 76.

Woodruff, Samuel, 200.

WoosTER, Gen., wants Arnold to
wait for regular orders, 36; in
command at Montreal, 83: in
command at Quebec, 88; refuses
Brown's demand for court of in-
quiry, 103; mortally wounded at
Ridgefield, 130.

Wyncoop, refuses to obey orders of
Arnold, and ordered by Gates to
be put under arrest, 110; through
Arnold's request, not cashiered,
111.

York, Duke of, Arnold appeals to,
for military service, 390.

YoRKTOWN, Lord Cornwallis sur-
renders at, 358.